Beckmann S. — Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience
Опублікована версія частини аргументації дисертації (гл. I і III). Дає кліматичну рамку заселення гір і висновки про (не)тяглість традиції.
Бібліографія: Beckmann S. «Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition?» // Kneisel J., Kirleis W., Dal Corso M., Taylor N., Tiedtke V. (eds.) Collapse or Continuity? Environment and Development of Bronze Age Human Landscapes. — Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie 205. — Bonn: Habelt, 2012. Матеріали воркшопу «Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II», Кіль, 14–18.03.2011. Academia ID 1430576.
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Collapse or Continuity ?
environment and Development
of Bronze Age Human landscapes
edited by
Jutta Kneisel, Wiebke Kirleis, Marta Dal Corso,
Nicole Taylor and Verena Tiedtke
Offprint
Sabine Beckmann
Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition?
Kiel archaeology
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Universitätsforschungen
zur prähistorischen Archäologie
Band 205
Aus der Graduiertenschule
“Human Development in landscapes”
der Universität Kiel
2012
Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn
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Collapse or Continuity ?
environment and Development
of Bronze Age Human landscapes
Proceedings of the international Workshop
“Socio-environmental Dynamics over the last 12,000 Years: The Creation of landscapes ii (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 1
edited by
Jutta Kneisel, Wiebke Kirleis, Marta Dal Corso,
Nicole Taylor and Verena Tiedtke
2012
Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn
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Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)
Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M.
englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin
iSBN 978-3-7749-3763-5
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie.
Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im internet über <http://dnb.d-nb.de> abrufbar.
Umschlagfoto: Jutta Kneisel, Bruszczewo
Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel
layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de
2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn
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Contents
9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 13 Foreword
SOUTHEASTERN MEDITERRANEAN
17 Girolamo Fiorentino, Valentina Caracuta, Gianluca Quarta, Lucio Calcagnile and Daniele Morandi Bonacossi Palaeoprecipitation Trends and Cultural Changes in Syrian Protohisto- ric Communities: the Contribution of δ13C in Ancient and Modern Vege- tation 35 Sabine Beckmann Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition?
NORTHERN ITALY AND CIRCUM-ALPINE REGION
55 Michele Cupitò, Elisa Dalla Longa, Valentina Donadel and Giovanni Leonardi Resistances to the 12th Century bc Crisis in the Veneto Region: the Case Studies of Fondo Paviani and Montebello Vicentino 71 Marta Dal Corso, Marco Marchesini, Giovanni Leonardi and Wiebke Kirleis Environmental Changes and Human Impact during the Bronze Age in Northern Italy: On-site Palynological Investigation at Fondo Paviani, Ve- rona 85 Benjamin Jennings When the Going Gets Tough…? Climatic or Cultural Influences for the LBA Abandonment of Circum-Alpine Lake-Dwellings
SOUTHEASTERN CENTRAL EUROPE AND THE BALKANS
103 Mario Gavranović Ore Exploitation and Settlement Dynamics during the Late Bronze Age in Central Bosnia 111 Jozef Bátora, Anja Behrens, Julia Gresky, Mariya Ivanova, Knut Rass- mann, Peter Tóth and Kay Winkelmann The Rise and Decline of the Early Bronze Age Settlement Fidvár near Vráble, Slovakia
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8 Contents
NORTHERN GERMANY
133 Immo Heske and Magdalena Wieckowska
The Bronze Age Settlement Chamber on the Hill Heeseberg, Lower
Saxony – An Ecoregion in Transition between the Únětice and the House-
Urn Culture
153 Heiko Scholz
Hoard Find Places in the Context of Climatic and Environmental Changes
EASTERN GERMANY
171 Ralf Lehmphul
Final Neolithic to Early Iron Age Settlement Stratigraphy at Altgaul,
Brandenburg. A Preliminary Report
185 Jonas Beran
Burnt Village Buried under Blown Sand at the Beginning of Urn Field Pe-
riod in Potsdam, Brandenburg
197 Jonas Beran and Nicola Hensel
The Chief and his Poor Ancestors – Middle Bronze Age Burials under an
Early Younger Bronze Age Grave Mound at Brieselang, Brandenburg
201 Verena Tiedtke
To Be Continued – a Long Term Cemetery in Müllrose, Brandenburg
EASTERN CENTRAL EUROPE
209 Jutta Kneisel
The Problem of the Middle Bronze Age Inception in Northeast Europe –
or: Did the Únětice Society Collapse?
235 Mateusz Cwaliński and Jakub Niebieszczański
The Tumulus Culture Burial Mounds in Southwestern Poland. Construc-
tion of the Barrows and their Place in the Landscape
257 Johannes Müller
Changes in the Bronze Age: Social, Economical and / or Ecological Causes ?
CONCLUSIONS
267 Jutta Kneisel, Wiebke Kirleis, Marta Dal Corso and Nicole Taylor
Collapse or Continuity ? Concluding Remarks on the Environment and
Development of Bronze Age Human Landscapes
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 35
Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ?
Sabine Beckmann
Position and current state of the sites, karstic with many small dolines and valleys where
state of research colluvium has accumulated through terracing and
thus produced niches with good agriculturally us-
In the mountainous region of northeast Crete on the able soil. Through the ongoing erosion of the mostly eastern slopes of Mt. Dikti between 500 and 1,200 m steep slopes above, this soil is constantly regener- (in rare cases up to 1,400 m altitude) above the town ated and remains fertile (cf. already Sieber 1823). of Agios Nikolaos over 300 Minoan sites were dis- Rockier areas show an open kind of phrygana where covered by the author, datable by surface finds to aromatic shrubs (e. g. thyme, mountain savory) con- the Minoan Protopalatial phase (c. 2000 – 1700 bc). stitute good honey plants. Due to higher precipita- These sites were set in an unusually dispersed settle- tion (orographic rainfall) in the region of the higher ment pattern: individual, clearly discernible dwell- peaks of the Dikti range (to the southwest) the area ing sites, usually no more than 300 m from each has a more favourable and longer vegetation period other, spread over a total area of at least 30 km2 and (the winter half year), while closer to the coast the connected to each other and to local caves and wa- longer, rainless, hot summer often leads to harvest ter sources with a network of “roads” / paths of ap- losses. prox. 100 km length in this area. Most of the dwell- When Arthur Evans travelled through the region ing ruins, over 50 of which are still partly standing in 1894 he saw several ruins built with big stone up to 1.5 m, were built at least in their lower parts blocks that he called “megalithic” or “cyclopean” (probably foundations) with massive, unworked because of their architecture (in reference to the stone blocks. Mycenaean fortifications on the Greek mainland). In the surrounding landscape, long enclosure walls He took them to be military installations (“castle”, are discernible that attribute to each dwelling a “fort” or “stronghold”) and parts of a Bronze Age mostly rocky area interspersed with small patches defence system (Evans / Myres 1895, in Brown 2001, of agriculturally usable land of several thousand 204). When, during his excavations in Knossos a square meters. The position and building structure few years later he developed his concept of “pax of the enclosures show clearly that they belonged minoica” (Evans 1928, 79), his earlier discoveries to the dwellings and were probably constructed at were mostly forgotten. His vision of the Minoans’ the same time. Their known length all in all amounts harmonious, warless life characterized the ideas of to (at the time of writing) c. 150 km. The enclosures Minoan archaeology until far into the second half of (Greek perivoloi) are often laid out in such a way as to the 20th century, and have begun to be questioned leave just enough space between them for passage, a only during the last thirty years. Especially finds in kind of “road” often no more than a path in breadth the far east of Crete, where massive ruins similar to (under one meter). those described here were studied, recalled Evans’ The surrounding landscape, the southeastern earlier interpretations (Alexiou 1979; Tzedakis et al. facing slopes below Mt. Katharo Tsivi (1665 m) is 1989; Chryssoulaki 1999; Schlager 1999, 2006). naturally grown with an open forest of kermes- The Minoan landnam in this region through set- oak, cypress and pine (characteristic of the eastern tlement and land use is, in the peculiarities of its ar- Mediterranean). The underground is calcareous and chitecture and settlement pattern, the subject of the In: J. Kneisel / W. Kirleis / M. Dal Corso / N. Taylor / V. Tiedtke, Collapse or Continuity? Envi- ronment and Development of Bronze Age Human Landscapes [Proceedings of the Interna- tional Workshop “Socio‐Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th – 18th March 2011)” in Kiel] (Bonn 2012) 35 – 52.
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36 Collapse or Continuity ? · Southeastern Mediterranean
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Fig. 1. Crete, the region of Kritsa. Part of the study area (1.5 km2 of 30) with 50 of over 300 characteristic Minoan struc- tures. Black points: dwelling ruins; black lines: Bronze Age enclosures, Bronze Age roads / paths run between double enclosure walls. Isolines 10 m.
author’s ongoing PhD dissertation at the University confusion with other phases and building styles, the of Crete. author suggested (Beckmann 2009) naming the ar- With this dissertation the Minoan sites of the area chitectural style of the Minoan Protopalatial (Middle are being catalogued and mapped. There it becomes Minoan II, hereafter MM II) “oncolithic”, from the clear that Evans had seen only few of the sites easily Greek onkolithos for massive stone block (the term approachable from the old road (he mentions three, used with this meaning in Vokotopoulos 2007). Thus Evans / Myres 1895, in Brown 2001) while they are confusion can be avoided with the term “cyclopean actually rather evenly spread all over the landscape building” that should best be restricted to Mycenae- (Fig. 1). an structures as those known from Tiryns, Mycenae etc. (cf. Shaw 1973, 80; and especially Küpper 1996, 31 pp). Oncolithic walls of the Minoan Protopalatial phase are consistently built with unworked blocks Architectural characteristics of the Minoan (cf. Schlager 2000; Vokotopoulos 2007) collected Protopalatial mountain structures or broken from the surface surrounding the sites (in rare cases corner stones might be slightly worked). Dwelling ruins These characteristics (Fig. 2) distinguish the walls also from most of the Minoan Neopalatial (Late Architectural comparisons in wall structuring show Minoan I, hereafter LM I) ones with partly worked that the characteristic massive big block ruins look massive blocks in use2, where often a filling of rubble similar to the massive architecture of later phases, is applied as the lowest layer. This is the case for in- but show some rather individual traits1. To avoid stance in some of the Minoan so-called “villas” (e. g.
1 Naturally the dating of not yet excavated sites is understood to have been done by the dating of the visible surface pottery surround- ing the ruins. 2 And naturally especially from those built with carefully sawed and squared ashlar masonry.
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 37
Fig. 2. Crete, region of Kritsa / Kroustas. Fig. 3. Crete, region of Kritsa. Minoan ruin in the snow.
Minoan Protopalatial “oncolithic” ruin (MM II).
Achladia3) and some of the walls in the Neopalatial upper structures that would have been protected “palace” of Malia. from the weather like this as well (Fig. 3) 5. The special positioning of blocks in the MM II ru- An interesting question is the possible function ins, mostly avoiding regular courses, may have been of the buildings with this distinct architecture. How intended to work against shearing forces; through important “megalithic” buildings as such (here with this technique buildings certainly became more re- the meaning of expressing social power) may have sistant to earthquakes (as by the integration of bed- been especially through the procuring of building rock into walls). material has been studied for Mycenaean architec- While LM I buildings were probably mostly plas- ture (Santillo Frizell / Santillo 1984). The Late tered (Shaw 1973, 81) this was hardly the case in Minoan “villas” have been interpreted similarly, the older houses, even when centuries of exposure as an expression of elite status (Mantzourani et al. to surface weather conditions would have certainly 2005). obliterated any trace of it (cf. Schlager 2006, 370). This is probably based on the fact that originally Most probably mortar wouldn’t have been used ei- (and correctly) architecture constructed exclusively ther, especially as it seems to have been unnecessary from massive blocks was called “megalithic”, an ar- in any case in these self-supporting walls (as their chitecture that could only be constructed by large often fine state of preservation proves). groups of people (cf. Wright 1985, 396). This kind Due to the often centuries-long undisturbed situ- of architecture obviously had an outstanding social ation and the low accumulation of soil in the sur- function and thus was employed only in buildings roundings of the dwelling ruins, the amount of fallen that were unusual (and often religious in function). material suggests without doubt that these buildings It is important for each attempt at an analysis of were constructed only in the lower layers in onco- function that these terms do not apply for Minoan lithic style – another difference with Mycenaean ru- MM II oncolithic architecture: buildings of this size ins that don’t include houses but only fortification could be constructed without problems (as in mod- walls, bridges vel sim. (cf. Küpper 1996, 31 ff.4). ern Crete, see below) by small clan groups and in These stone foundations were built much higher this case would have not been the expression of su- on the downslope sides than the walls on the up- perior power for a large group but possibly an ex- slope sides often comprising no more than one or pression of family- or clan-identity. two courses. Obviously the massive bases had the Close to or in the surroundings of the studied function to form a horizontal support for perishable ruins two kinds of round structures can be noticed: 3 Characteristic of Late Minoan-Mycenaean and Late Helladic (mainland Mycenaean) ruins (LM / LH III) is often also the working, together with a clearly discernible horizontal layering (isodomic) of the blocks and a different way of using chinking stones. 4 For a similar situation in the wider eastern Mediterranean cf. Wright 1985. 5 The later polygonal architecture built with closely fit medium-sized blocks, carefully cut faces and often also coursing as isodomic as possible should not be seen in this category either.
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38 Collapse or Continuity ? · Southeastern Mediterranean
Fig. 4. Crete, region of Kritsa / Kroustas. Oncolithic
round structure, underground (at approx. 1,000 m).
either built oncolithically and underground, or with rubble and on slightly raised rocky positions. In the context of a group of round structures next to the Minoan “palace” of Malia (similar in Knossos and Phaistos) such constructions are discussed as prob- able granaries (Strasser 1997). As the massive un- derground round structures seem to be improbable as granaries they are interpreted as possible cisterns in my study (Fig. 4).
Enclosure walls and “roads”
Constructed in a similar architecture are enclosure walls (perivoloi) hundreds of meters long with a width of between 0.7 and 1.2 m, traversing the land- scape in often still amazingly well preserved shape. Preservation can at least partly be explained by their occasional reconstruction since the beginning of the re-use of the area about 150 years ago, but some are obviously actually preserved in their Minoan shape (Fig. 5, cf. also map Fig. 1). These walls (370 – 2,150 m long) systematically surround the dwelling sites including various sizes (from under 1 to over 15 ha) of rocky and partly ar- able land, thus associating by their position the en- closed areas with the dwellings. Their overall length of approx. 150 km is impressive enough to compare a modern cost calculation: to build 10 m of walling in this area in modern Greece (according to special- ists) would cost about 1,500 €, i. e. 22.5 million in Fig. 5. Crete, region of Kritsa. Minoan enclosure walls, all, a price obviously close to the price of a palace unchanged state. Fallen stones suggest an original height (without wanting to define this more closely)! And of approx. 1 – 1.2 m.
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 39
preted as walled fields or animal pens depending on
the particular situation (Fig. 6). A similar compound
was excavated by Doumas a few years ago in San-
torini / Thera and has been interpreted as a shep-
herding installation (Doumas 2006).
Paths or “roads” in widths up to 2 m often run-
ning through the space left between two perivoloi
connect the dwellings with each other and with the
main through-roads. Their position and kind of con-
struction seems to presuppose central planning (cf.
the sample region in the map Fig. 1 and Fig. 7). The
broader paths in particular are in use still (or again?).
This kind of “road” is usually dated according to the
oldest known sites connected by them (Shaw 1977,
202 no. 8; Tzedakis et al. 1989; Müller 1991).
Recent land use in the Cretan mountains
and Bronze Age comparanda
Fig. 6. Crete, region of Kritsa. Minoan dwelling, plan of The region in the mountains south of the village of ruin (approx. 10 × 9 m) with surrounding walls and terrac- ing (the latter used since ca. 1870 ad). Kritsa seems to have been settled in this big style rather suddenly about 2000 bc not long after the cli- matic late-Holocene drought period beginning at the so called 4.2 kiloyear event (cf. Moody 2000) but abandoned again after not more than a few centu- ries. Settlement traces from the following 3,500 years are rare in the area – until the beginning of re-use in the middle of the 19th century. By following the rather volatile conditions of Cretan historical changes over the centuries it be- comes clear why. After Minoan times, population density seems to have become much more sparse, Archaic to Hellenistic settlements were extensively agglutinative / centralized (the closest city-state was Lato, some 3 km from the studied area). Ro- man settlements were mainly restricted to coasts and plains (Chaniotis 1996, 1999). During the Mid- dle Ages and afterwards plagues ravaged the coun- Fig. 7. Crete, region of Kritsa. Minoan road try and emptied villages, and during the Ottoman between two enclosure walls. occupation the locals had no incentive to produce more than the most basic crops on their overlords’ land due to the hard social conditions (cf. Sieber 1823). Only with the regression of Turkish pressure on the Cretan populace after the middle of the 19th this calculation includes only the outer perivoloi, not century (under the influence of the major European the dwelling ruins or the closer walling surrounding powers) did cultivation of the mountain slopes be- them, or the terracing of the slopes. come feasible and interesting again, a fact that is cor- The rule is: the closer to the dwelling, the more roborated by the archaeological data available in the massive and carefully constructed the enclosures. area. Often additional small areas in various shapes and Since the beginning of the 21st century the agri- positions are walled, closer to the dwelling sites, cultural use of the Cretan mountain slopes has been thus creating smaller ranged terraced spaces (gar- confined for economical reasons almost totally to dens?) or rather level expanses, probably to be inter- large-scale animal husbandry (sheep and goats
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Fig. 8. Crete, Mt. Ida area. Fig. 9. Crete, Dikti mountain range. Minoan ruin (mas-
Mitato main building, typical “tholos” shape. sive, oncolithic blocks) and recent mitato ruin, mud mortar
visible to the left of the door.
with herds of up to 2,000 animals), while fodder is sometimes flax and other plants). While on Mt. Ida’s imported in large amounts. For this reason the past slopes hardly any gardens accompany the mountain 25 – 30 years are hardly usable for comparisons with dwellings, in the Dikti range they are more popular, Bronze Age land use any more, which is why here probably due to the fact that there (especially in the mainly the conditions of pre-industrial times (until vicinity of water sources) women and children also c. 1960) are considered. Luckily many senior locals often left the villages and moved to the mountains can still remember those times. with the men (especially when water in the villages According to climatic conditions on the higher was scarce). Small enclosures near to the dwellings slopes, many herds were (and are) driven closer to- would protect cabbages, chards and various other wards the sea in winter and back up to the moun- leafy vegetables (amaranth, varieties of chicory, ar- tains with the beginning of the dry period by the tichokes) and sometimes also local flowers (e. g. nar- end of April, as on the high slopes even weeks later cissi, flowering in winter and thus documenting a there is still enough humidity to keep the plants for winter- or all-year use of the structures). browsing green. Buildings are, accordingly, nearly Comparable small enclosures with carefully con- exclusively in use only during half the year (sum- structed terraces nearly like garden beds close to the mer), a fact that can often be noted also by their loca- Minoan ruins suggest that they, too, had little gar- tion, exposed to cooling summer winds. On the oth- dens. er hand buildings that are used also during the cold, From the middle of the 19th century up to the be- humid part of the year tend to be sited on southern ginning of industrialization after the Second World or southeastern slopes, protected from cold winter War, Cretan mountain shepherd-farmers lived and winds. As most of the Minoan dwelling ruins can be worked in their mitata, surrounded by relatively seen in the latter positions, they were probably used clearly defined (to the locals) browsing areas on during the whole year. public land, usually without any indication of their This Cretan variety of small-range transhumance boundaries in the landscape. has long been one of the main reasons why many The buildings / dwellings used as functional bases families owned several dwellings, usually one main for mountain land use, for animal husbandry and house for the whole family in one of the (agglutina- farming similarly, are also rather variable in differ- tive) villages where women and children lived main- ent regions of the Cretan mountains (for Mt. Ida cf. ly, plus one or several shepherd dwellings (includ- Ivanovas 2000) – probably to be seen as an expres- ing low stables and animal pens close to them, called sion of lack of continuity in building traditions. mitata in Cretan, Fig. 8) in the mountains, mainly Still it is impressive to see how for instance on the lived in and used by men. Close to the villages northern-slope pastures of Mt. Ida (Psiloritis) shep- were often situated those of the families’ fields that herds (who used to be mixed farmers until recently) needed intensive tending (mainly for legumes, but build their “huts”. Often compared (architecturally
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 41
pecially ruins of even (low) height and with a stable
looking base seem to have found interested parties,
who for the higher part of their walls refrained from
reusing the big blocks, though, but rather worked
with easily manageable rubble, usually stabilized
with mud mortar. These rather perishable walls can
be reduced to ruins within less than 50 years, for as
soon as the mainly wooden roof construction decays,
the mud mortar is washed out of the walling by win-
ter rains and the walls crumble. In most of the cases
of re-use, not the whole Minoan ruin is rebuilt, but
only a part of it, meaning the buildings are smaller
than those of the Bronze Age. The rest of the ruin
here is often assigned other functions, for instance
that of a walling around a small courtyard (Fig. 9).
Fig. 10. Crete, Dikti mountain range. Minoan and recent In other cases Minoan ruins have been reused as “road”, bordered on the right by a Minoan enclosure wall the edges of modern threshing floors or included used in reconstructed (with small stones) form as a field in the walling of milking pens. Minoan enclosures border. have also been reused where convenient, be it as a quarry for recent constructions or – especially where fields with good soil were surrounded – as a stable wrongly6) with the Minoan so-called tholos tombs and welcome base for field enclosures or boundaries (where it is often uncertain if they originally formed and / or road margins (Fig. 10). tholoi in the first place), these huts have a circular The recent mitata also used a landscape that had foundation from which they construct with wide been developed, structured and exploited in the slabs a so called beehive-shaped corbelled vault pro- Bronze Age for the first time (Fig. 11) in various jecting layer by layer until the half-sphere or round- aspects all accommodating modern uses. Thus it ed shape is closed (i. e. built without bending mo- seems reasonable to study the pre-industrial land- ment on carrying constructions and without a roof scape on the basis of the Bronze Age landnam of the supported by columns or beams). With a diameter of same landscape and to infer that Minoan mountain up to 7 m and using stone slabs up to 1.5 m wide in installations had similar interests: mixed agriculture. construction, impressive, nearly “megalithic” seem- That the recent Cretan land use probably has not ing buildings are created (cf. Fig. 8 and Ivanovas changed much since medieval times is well known 2000) that resist the pressure of large masses of snow (Allbaugh 1953, cf. also Sieber 1823). For the most in winter and keep cheese cool in summer. part there was sheep and goat husbandry, nearly The lower, especially massive blocks (mostly exclusively together with small-scale agriculture. slabs) are built / positioned by whole family or clan Close scrutiny of reports by locals remembering the groups. A similar family “event” is also the shearing pre-industrial phase shows some interesting char- of sheep – a matter of course of shared identity like acteristics of mixed mountain agriculture to convey other important kinship celebrations (cf. ibid.). a better image of possible conditions in the Bronze The oldest known buildings of this kind, their Age. archaic appearance notwithstanding, are not older than the end of the 19th century (Syrmakezi 1988). In the Dikti mountain range further east, com- Agriculture parable installations are not built as impressively (cf. Blitzer 1990 with very good illustrations), built Tilling fields in the mountains is not the same as till- more along the path of least resistance. That means ing fields in the plains and even though this seems also that spots with many stones ready for use (in the obvious, it is often not considered in studies. In study area often the foundations of Minoan ruins) the study area only large fields were ploughed by were seen as attractive for building when the land- men. The ploughs – or rather ards – consisted until scape was reopened for use in the 19th century. Es- recently entirely of wood (Fig. 12), sometimes with
6 The Mycenaean corbel vaulted tholoi are more easily comparable.
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Fig. 11. Crete, region of Kritsa. Part of the study area (1.5 km2 of 30). Black points: Minoan dwelling ruins; black lines: Minoan enclosures; squares: recent and modern mitata. Isolines 10 m.
fields) reduce the dehydration of the soil and erosion
by wind in a distance up to eight times their height
(cf. Krusche et al. 1982). Aerial photographs of the
recent state of the landscape show for instance that
along the Minoan enclosure wall ruins shrubs and
trees thrive visibly better than elsewhere: they often
stand out as dark lines in the landscape where the
enclosures run.
This shows that the Minoans’ long enclosure walls
did not just shut animals in or out, but could also ef-
fectively prevent erosion (and in some cases still do
so today). Modern wire-mesh boundaries obviously
cannot compete with that, and also the pre-industrial
“fences” made perishably from thorny shrubs could
Fig. 12. Cretan lowlands (Archanes).
Ploughing c. 1914 (Rikli 1917, pl. II photo E. Schenk). have produced this effect only to a limited extent. In most cases the landscape was not changed much during agricultural use (apart from some small-scale the exception of a small iron ploughshare (no more rock-piling), as the shepherds had to ensure their than a hardened tip). In the case of poor people par- animals did not damage the fields (for similar condi- ticularly they were pulled by no more than one cow, tions in Hellenistic Crete see Chaniotis 1996, 1999). often shared by several families, as oxen were too As the wild goats of the Cretan mountains (Capra expensive to maintain (in terms of fodder amount). aegagrus creticus, Greek agrimi or kri-kri) were already Most of the small fields, often measuring only a few nearly extinct during the 19th century there was no square meters, were tilled by women and children other reason to build more stable walls – this may with hoes, even though these small fields are said to have been different in Minoan times. have often been the best. A further hint at possible Bronze Age conditions This can actually be corroborated by measurable may be found in one of the methods of harvesting facts, as walls (like the rocks surrounding the small (in the mountains mainly barley): sometimes plants
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 43
Fig. 13. Crete. Still cultivated cereal field at a Minoan farmstead.
were plucked, not cut with sickles, as the haulms, stored in large ceramic vessels (pitharia) until further exposed to harsh weather conditions and changes, use. While the presence of women in the Dikti range were often too hard to cut. This might be one expla- slope areas can be inferred from the fact that many nation why there are no traces of Bronze Age sickles of the small farm dwellings possess a baking oven, (chipped stone) visible in the areas of the sites. none can be seen in the case of the Mt. Ida mitata On the other hand, many whetstones in the sites’ (this applies also to hand mills and other tools and vicinity suggest another possibility: bronze knives vessels). Similarly there seem to be very few querns and sickles may have been more popular in the hin- (or quern parts) visible in the surroundings of the terland than is usually presumed on the basis of our Minoan sites, suggesting that cereals were not pro- current state of knowledge. As taphonomical rea- cessed there8. sons (and maybe consequent re-use of metal objects) Directly after harvesting the cereals (in June), do not allow us more direct information on this, a when the surrounding browsing grounds would also possible future analysis on the whetstone surfaces have dried up, fields with remaining straw would for metal traces might improve our state of knowl- be opened for a few hours per day to the browsing edge. animals, in a kind of in situ feeding. Because of the Recent mixed farming cultivated nearly exclu- rainless summer the straw did not decay there, and sively barley, and very little wheat where there was due to the short browsing time over-trampling of the enough humidity. Barley is less demanding in terms straw was avoided. This would also have been the of water and above all ripens earlier, an important single known way of fertilizing the pre-industrial point for the possibilities of rain-fed agriculture in cereal fields9. Only the (small) kitchen gardens were Crete7, (cf. Fig. 13). Trees cultivated up to 800 m are regularly fertilized with the rarely available (stable-) olives and almonds and (partly wild) pears. Viticul- dung, in some cases also trees, especially olives. ture was also possible on some of the high slopes. Interestingly on the inside of some of the Minoan Harvested cereals used to be threshed locally on enclosures traces of small, half cycle-shaped ter- stone-bordered threshing floors (they turn out to be rasses can be seen as they are still today sometimes Minoan ruins at times) and then transported with constructed for planting trees. Traces of very worn pack animals to the villages, where the grain was pieces of Minoan pottery surrounding these small
7 This could be confirmed by local trial cultivation made by the author. 8 My thanks to the specialist François Sigaut, who reminded me of the fact that naturally a processing of cereals into beer vel sim. could still have been possible locally. 9 The usual custom of in-field burning of thorny shrubs in small patches is a typical method the shepherds use to make room for new fresh leafy fodder, but was hardly used on (stubble) fields.
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44 Collapse or Continuity ? · Southeastern Mediterranean
terraces suggest that in Minoan times, too, these small (tree-)terraces were fertilized with mixed com- post / dung, containing the sherds as waste (for this kind of indication of ancient fertilizing in surface finds cf. Bintliff 1992). As most of the (important) slope-stabilizing ter- racing seems to have happened in the Bronze Age, the distribution of arable fields and patches must have been similar to the recent situation. Areas where erosion by water would have been possible are always bordered on the downslope side by at least originally Minoan walls or checkdams. An additional reduction of erosion is achieved by the course of the enclosure walls through many possible run-off valleys (and also valleys with colluvial soil, Fig. 14. Crete. Minoan “road” passing a former run-off cf. Fig. 1). That many of the checkdams through run- valley. In this valley (towards the right) small fields with off valleys obviously go back to a first construction fertile colluvial soil are created by means of small terrace in the Bronze Age is a good indication of the small walls. amounts of running water passing them since their construction. Obviously the Minoans managed – in spite of their massive interventions in the natural landscape – to achieve its stabilization according to preserved to judge) obviously was in no direct pro- the contemporaneous climate. And just as obviously portion to the other data and sizes, there was prob- the climate has changed so little since then here that ably no relation between family size and the amount the structures still serve the same purpose (Fig. 14). of arable land. Also, sites where a large revenue After the reopening of the area in the 19th century could have been anticipated do not show any hier- many of the Bronze Age structures could be repaired archical distance (larger dwelling, better quality of and made functional with few replacements in spite pottery vel sim.) from the others. of the massive clearings. One of the most important An example: One of the farms that would have reasons for the walls’ amazingly good state of pres- produced a surplus following the mentioned cal- ervation must have been that this landscape, with- culations is the dwelling shown in fig. 6, although out human interference (overgrazing, timber pro- no independent round structure can be seen in its duction, slash-and-burn clearance), regrows within vicinity. (It may be suggested, however, that the a few years a dense protecting layer of vegetation half-round part of the ruin on its northeastern side (first phrygana, then light forest) where wind or wa- might have been a granary or storage area; the unu- ter erosion hardly takes place any more as mostly sual amount of sherds from storage vessels on the the same amount of humus is produced as washed slope below might indicate the same.) Otherwise the away. ruin – apart from this addition – corresponds well With the data obtained from pre-industrial fields to the small rectangle of a simple Late Minoan Type in the area for comparison and GIS-based calculation 3 house (after McEnroe 1982). At the same time its one can obtain an approximate estimation10 of the production capacity – according to the area of the possible revenue for many of the sites within their surrounding attributable fields within the same en- respective perivoloi. From this we learn that (nearly) closure wall – surpasses the amount suggested for all the Minoan farms must have been able to live by storage in the much larger LM Type 2 houses after subsistence farming (with a hypothesized family McEnroe (for which 3,000 litres are calculated, cf. size as usual of five persons), whereas some must Christakis 1999), and may even reach the capacity of have produced a notable surplus. The latter sites are the LM Type 1 villas (after McEnroe) of 5,000 – 14,000 often also those on whose land the above-mentioned litres. These Late Minoan “villas” (which do not round structures are discernible, which makes their seem to have had any known Protopalatial prede- function as granaries / silos even more probable. As cessors) are usually seen in an urban surrounding as the size of the actual dwellings (where well enough the houses of an elite (e. g. in Malia, where several
10 For this the author developed an index-coefficient where good fields were calculated with the factor 3 (expressing the best soil qual- ity, as an example see the fields in Fig. 13) and medium-good fields with a factor ½ because of their much smaller cultivable surface.
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 45
Agios Nikolaos
Kritsa
Kroustas
Priniatikos Pyrgos
5 km
Fig. 15. Crete, region of Kritsa / Kroustas. Map of the study area (black points: Minoan sites) with the range of browsing area that would have been necessary for a 30-animal farmsteads (black line). It would easily be extendable to the west and southeast to feed slightly larger herds (plains to the east contain arable land that would not have been used for browsing).
have been excavated, Effenterre 1980), or, where Herds rarely consisted of more than 30 – 80 ani- situated in the hinterland, as mediators between the mals, and as additional bought fodder was not af- rural population and the “palace” administrations in fordable, the sizes of the herds had to be adapted to the towns (cf. the contributions in Hägg 1997). available browsing. That means about one head of sheep per hectare of land (goats can manage with a little less). If those numbers are used for compari- Animal husbandry son in the Minoan sites, the hypothetical local five- person families would have managed – as owners The main animals kept in the mountains were sheep of about 30 animals – with no more than 3 – 4 km of and goats (bovines do not find enough fodder), de- the land surrounding all the known sites, while at pending on the surroundings and personal prefer- the same time being able to cultivate the mentioned ences in various mixed amounts, as goats are less fields (cf. Fig. 15). A larger area of browsing ground, controllable but much more frugal in their needs as would have been clearly available in their land- while sheep need more good browsing and water scape, would even have allowed for slightly larger and have a fatter milk and more precious wool. While herds. nowadays selling wool is not profitable any more, Shepherds in pre-industrial times drove their until the end of the pre-industrial period sheep and herds to distances of up to 5 km from their mitata, goat wool was spun and woven in the families (the mainly during trips to springs in the drier part of looms being kept in the villages) to become blankets, the year. mats, coats and other cloth. Here, too, it is interest- What exactly does this animal husbandry look ing to note that in the surroundings of the studied like when mainly concentrating on structures that Minoan sites only at two of over 300 weaving or might be preserved after a long time in the material spinning tools were seen, both on the lower slopes. record?
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46 Collapse or Continuity ? · Southeastern Mediterranean
Fig. 17. Crete. Recent “bee-garden”
with well preserved ceramic beehives.
Other built structures in the area of shepherd
spaces are:
1) The milking pen (mandra), a mostly small, walled
area of oval or rounded shape. This is the same in
all Cretan mountain regions and is intended to keep
Fig. 16. Crete, Dikti range. Jorgos Brokos,
the sheep from hiding in corners, when they cannot
shepherd, with his tools for cheese production.
be driven out easily by dogs or helpers. Every farm
with animal husbandry had a milking pen. Pens not
used for milking (to separate various parts of the
herd) also occur and have various shapes.
The central building of pre-industrial shepherd- 2) A stable or shelter for the animals (optional). Some ing is, as mentioned above, the mitato, a building shepherd sites include a low, more temporarily built functioning as a dwelling for the shepherds as well structure with light roofing that was used as a shel- as for the production of cheese (often in the same ter or stable for the animals, especially during the room). Adjacent rooms or buildings would for in- cold part of the year. stance have been used as cheese storage areas and The Minoan sites of the area often show rather then have wider, thicker walls and smaller doors to similar wall structures surrounding the dwelling ru- keep the cheese cool. ins. Frequently occurring rounded-to-oval small en- In this context one comes by another piece of closures are of special interest. As can be seen in the “negative evidence”: tools being used by shepherds plan in figure 6, various small enclosures were po- for cheese production are – apart from the large sitioned around the dwelling, only the terrace walls cooking kettles – even nowadays nearly all perish- (with arrows) of which have been reconstructed in able in nature (Fig. 16). recent times11. This suggests that a similar kind of In this context it seems noteworthy that the pot- animal husbandry may have been practised here: tery sherds surrounding the Minoan sites of the sheep and goats in small to medium sized herds that area show the broken remains of an amazingly large mostly probably were milked, too, if the pens give amount of the typical cauldron-like (usually just any indication. called cooking pot) tripod vessels. Their large num- On many a remote spot in the mountains another ber – more than in other Minoan seemingly agricul- kind of recent animal husbandry space can be seen, tural sites – might be interpreted as a sign of cheese the so-called “bee-gardens” (melissókippi, an exam- production in the area. ple in Fig. 17). Usually high walls protected ceramic
11 Still, even here, the lowest stones seem to be of Bronze Age origin as they are much more massive than those of purely recent terraces.
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 47
beehives (mainly from being stolen) on low thin ter- ● The lack of traces for textile production and ce- races. real processing might hint at the (at least partial) ab- Here it isn’t too amazing to hear that in the sur- sence of women at these sites. This brings to mind roundings of the Minoan sites using the landscape in the parallel of the nearly exclusively male-used mi- the Bronze Age every now and then sherds of vessels tata of recent Crete. combed on the inside can be seen that are usually ● The people of the mountains must have had interpreted as beehives. good connections to the metal-owning and -process- ing groups. There are no traces of the chipped stone Conclusions tools usually expected in simple dwellings, and no- ticeable amounts of whetstones indicate some kind Even though due to changing historical conditions of metal use (for harvesting? sheep shearing?) as an obviously one cannot speak of an unbroken tradi- everyday activity. Still, the dwellings seem to have tion, it still seems that the mountain landscape on the been simple and no more than vernacular farms and southern slopes of Mt. Tsivi was used in the Bronze there is nothing conspicuous about them apart from Age in a similar way to that we know from the end the solid architecture. of the 19th and first half of the 20th century. Naturally ● The building style may have been an expression it is important here not just to note similarities, but of kinship or other group ties, but also supports the also differences. While in the recent past the region cool storage of cheese. was mainly used on a half-yearly basis due to typi- ● The amounts of tripod sherds around the sites12 cal transhumance practices, it seems that the Bronze suggest a notable cheese production. Still, houses Age farmsteads were used during the whole year were not larger than those usually supposed to have as they favour a position protected from cold win- housed five-person groups / families. Here, again, ter winds. While until recently small herds were the supposed surplus produced in the area did not controlled by their herdsmen and kept on a certain generate any kind of prosperity that might be seen in public browsing area without fixed paths and built any of the surface remains, which suggests a sharing borders, it seems that in Minoan Protopalatial times or ceding of the produce. carefully delineated borders and a network of well All in all, it can be proposed that even in the ab- planned paths / roads were important. Walls must sence of a certain material record, exactly this ab- have been high enough to keep animals in or out. sence or negative evidence might suggest the exist- Some points suggest that the users of the Bronze ence of something that has been missed from the Age farms may not have been their owners, too, but Protopalatial record: a kind of forerunner institu- may have only been their tenants, dependent on or tion for the Late Minoan “villa” system with a kind cooperating with others who did not live in the same of production and transferring responsibility, but area: without elitist attributes. Here we seem to be dealing ● The opening of the whole area obviously hap- with the hinterland of Protopalatial Minoan urban pened synchronously and presupposes a previ- areas – without necessarily “belonging” to a partic- ous thorough planning and the availability of large ular town. The Minoan town on the coast close to amounts of manpower / labour force. modern Istron (Prinatikos Pyrgos, currently under ● Cereal surplus was probably stored to be sent excavation by the Irish Institute of Hellenic Studies elsewhere: there is no indication of cereal process- at Athens) could be one of the possible candidates ing but there were granary-like installations whose (and the closest known so far) for supplying a group tenants probably did not have their revenue at their of people that could have prospered with the eco- own disposal as there is no hint of a hierarchical nomic rise in late Prepalatial times (through sea- difference between these and the other farms with trade, or metal production?) and invested some of smaller fields and without traces of large-scale their resources in the mountains. The intent of such (grain-) storage. an investment may have been to capitalize on and ● Wool was (most probably) produced here, but trade with the quality products of the hinterland: processed elsewhere (no visible traces of wool pro- wool (to Egypt?), cheese, meat, timber (the town?), cessing). herbs13, honey (export).
12 Pottery on the surface around the sites is often scanty and always dominated by coarseware. Thus without excavation, dating will remain approximate and a more detailed pottery evaluation cannot be given. 13 Crete was famous for her herbs during Roman imperial times, cf. Chaniotis 1996.
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48 Collapse or Continuity ? · Southeastern Mediterranean
It is puzzling that all of these farmsteads met Late Bronze Age seems to show anyhow that the with a seemingly sudden end before the pottery of supporters of the pioneers of earlier mountain land- LM I, the time of the eruption of the Thera volcano, nam were successful with their economic strategies had really found its way into the mountains. On the in the long run, even though the high slopes were other hand the mountain dwellers may have been not exploited any more in the same way, with estab- traditionally minded in pottery and produced their lished farms in the area itself. older wares, while coastal potters had developed The long oblivion these farms seem to have fallen new styles (which would explain the extremely few into must have been a consequence of the variabil- visible Neopalatial sherds that do occur in the area). ity and instability of subsequent Cretan history and Were the farmers already gone at the time or could social conditions. The obvious effortlessness with they have lasted until the volcano eruption of Thera? which on the next convenient and possible occa- Traces of the catastrophe have recently been docu- sion – starting in the 19th century – farmers reused mented again with notable ash layers on the north- and continued the landscape opening work of the east coast of Crete (cf. Brogan / Sofianou 2009). Bronze Age, shows a totally new side with which Maybe a stifling layer of long vanished ash put Crete today is indebted to distant history. In a mod- an end to Protopalatial farmsteads, as certainly the ern time of perishable bulldozer roads and terraces, good preservation of the ruins seems to exclude mas- a reflexion on the obvious “built to last” principle of sive earthquakes. Or possibly plagues like those of the Middle Bronze Age could do a world of good. the Middle Ages depopulated the mountain slopes at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. But just as well a new authority might have recalled the settlers to other places and / or functions. The extremely small number of pieces of burnt mudbrick on the surface seems to exclude a hostile, warlike end of this first acklowledgements My warm thanks go to all phase of intense mountain land use. the Cretan senior farmer-shepherds who patiently ex- The continuous prospering in the more central- plained and showed me their recent way of life. And to ized-minded lowlands of Neopalatial times in the my family that keeps supporting and funding my work.
Summaries
summary In the mountains of northeast Crete, this massive settlement phase covers an area of ap- over 300 dwelling sites, datable mainly to the Middle prox. 30 km2 (at least), studied in the author’s ongo- Bronze Age (the Minoan Protopalatial period, i. e. ing PhD thesis. Very few earlier traces of land use or c. 2000 – 1650 bc), were arranged in isolation but not settlement can be seen in the area, but not long after more than 300 m (on average) apart from each other, the change of climate (aridification) with the “4.2 kil- interconnected with a network of paths also includ- oyears event” this region became attractive more or ing caves and wells. Many ruin foundations were less suddenly, but was mostly abandoned again af- built with massive block masonry, and long enclo- ter a few centuries. The area shows hardly any traces sure-walls claim an area of several thousand square of settlement until re-use by mixed agriculture (em- meters for each habitation, including arable and phasis on pastoral economy) from the second half of rocky land. The setting and massive construction of the 19th century onwards. these enclosures, originally more than a meter high (total length c. 150 km), shows that they belonged to the sites. Archaeologists in the past believed that a few of the then known sites (while enclosures and zusammenfassung In Nordost-Kreta, an connecting paths were unknown) situated on the old den Osthängen des Diktigebirges (Agios Nikolaos), roads were defensible forts or watchtowers because befinden sich über 300 minoische Stätten, durch of their so-called “monumental” or “Cyclopean” Oberflächenfunde hauptsächlich in die minoische masonry. Landscape opening and structuring of Altpalastzeit (ca. 2000 – 1650 v. Chr.) datierbar. Diese
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S. Beckmann, Bronze Age Landscape and Resilience: 4,000 Years of Tradition ? 49
Stätten, angeordnet in einzelnen, klar voneinander Στα βουνά της Βορειοανατολικής getrennten Gebäuden, doch selten mehr als 300 m Κρήτης (περιοχή Αγίου Νικολάου) εντοπίστη- voneinander entfernt, sind über eine Gesamtfläche καν διάσπαρτα περισσότερα από 300 σηµεία κα- von ca. 30 km2 verteilt und durch ein Netzwerk von τοίκησης, χρονολογούµενα κυρίως στη Μινωϊκή Pfaden / Straßen verbunden. Die meisten der Haus- Παλαιοανακτορική περίοδο, 2000 – 1650 π. Χ. πε- ruinen, zumindest in den untersten Lagen (wahr- ρίπου), αλληλοσυνδεδεµένα µ‘ ένα δίκτυο οδικών scheinlich Sockeln) aus massiven, unbearbeiteten προσβάσεων που συµπεριλαµβάνει επίσης σπή- Steinblöcken errichtet, besaßen in ihrem Umfeld lan- λαια και πηγάδια. Τα περισσότερα θεµέλια των ge Umfassungsmauern (ursprünglich über 1 m hoch τόπων κατοίκησης ήταν κτισµένα µε ογκολιθι- und in gleicher Bauweise konstruiert), die jedem κή τοιχοποιία και µακρείς περίβολοι καλύπτουν Wohnhaus ein felsreiches, mit kleinen landwirt- για καθεµία απ’ αυτές τις θέσεις κατοίκησης µια schaftlich nutzbaren Flächen durchsetztes Gelände περιοχή 3 έως 6 περίπου εκταρίων, εγκλείοντας von einigen tausend Quadratmetern zuordneten. τόσο αρώσιµη όσο και βραχώδη γή στα όρια τους. Zwischen diesen Umfassungsmauern wurde oft ge- Η τοποθέτηση και η ογκολιθική κατασκευή αυ- nug Raum ausgespart, um einen Durchgang, eine τών των περιβόλων, (αρχικά υψηλότεροι από 1 Art „Straße“ (meist eher Pfade) zu bilden. Archäo- µέτρο και µε συνολικό µήκος 150 χιλιόµετρα πε- logen bezeichneten in der Vergangenheit einige der ρίπου) καταδεικνύουν σαν αναµφισβήτητο γεγο- schon bekannten Stätten (deren Umfassungsmauern νός το ότι ανήκουν στις προαναφερθείσες θέσεις und „Straßen“ allerdings unbekannt waren) wegen κατοίκησης. Οι αρχαιολόγοι κατά το παρελθόν ihrer „monumental“ oder „zyklopisch“ genannten πίστευαν ότι µερικά από τα τότε γνωστά σηµεία Bauweise als Verteidigungsbauten oder „Wachtür- κατοίκησης που βρίσκονταν πλάϊ στους παλαιούς me“. Die Erschließung und Strukturierung dieser δρόµους ήταν αµυντικά φρούρια ή παρατηρητή- massiven Siedlungsphase bedeckt eine Fläche von ρια εξαιτίας ακριβώς της αποκαλούµενης Κυ- mindestens 30 km2 und ist Objekt der in Arbeit be- κλώπειας κατασκευής τους. Η διαµόρφωση του findlichen Dissertation der Autorin (Universität περιβάλλοντος και η δοµή αυτής της φάσης του Kreta). In der Gegend gibt es sehr wenige Spuren ογκολιθικού συνοικισµού που καλύπτει µια πε- früherer Landnutzung, und doch hat es den An- ριοχή 30 τουλάχιστον τ.χλµ. είναι το αντικείµενο schein, als hätte hier kurz nach Beginn der bronze- της τρέχουσας διδακτορικής διατριβής της συγ- zeitlichen Trockenzeit im östlichen Mittelmeer („4.2 γραφέως. Ελάχιστα πρωϊµότερα ίχνη χρήσης ή Kiloyears event“) in kurzer Zeit eine Erschließung κατοίκησης εντοπίζονται στην περιοχή µελέτης, stattgefunden, auch wenn die Nutzung wahrschein- αλλά όχι πολύ αργότερα από την αλλαγή του lich nur wenige Jahrhunderte andauerte. Bis zur κλίµατος (ξηρασία) του «4.2 Kiloyears event», η Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts gibt es danach kaum Spu- περιοχή αυτή συνοικίστηκε ταυτόγχρονα, για να ren späterer Siedlung, doch dann wurde in ähnlich εγκαταλειφθεί και πάλι κατά το µεγαλύτερο πο- plötzlicher Weise die Gegend für gemischte Land- σοστό ύστερα από µερικούς αιώνες. Η εν λόγω wirtschaft (mit Gewichtung auf Schaf- / Ziegenhal- έκταση φέρει από τότε ελάχιστα ίχνη κατοίκησης tung) erneut „erobert“. µέχρι την επανάχρηση της από την µεικτή αγρο- τοκτηνοτροφία που αναφαίνεται και πάλι από τα µέσα περίπου του 19ου αιώνα.
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50 Collapse or Continuity ? · Southeastern Mediterranean
References
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Sabine Beckmann
University of Crete
Department of History and Archaeology
Rethymno Campus
741 00 Rethymno/Crete
Greece
beckmann@students.phl.uoc.gr
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52 Collapse or Continuity ? · Southeastern Mediterranean