Wasisto M. A. Reflecting on Kejawen: Javanese Esoteric Teachings in Indonesian National Development
Вихідні дані. Muhammad Adiz Wasisto. Research Paper, International Institute of Social Studies (Erasmus University Rotterdam), Гаага, грудень 2020. Магістерська робота, MA in Development Studies, major: Human Rights, Gender and Conflict — Social Justice Perspectives. Науковий комітет: Dr. Helen Hintjens, Dr. Shyamika Jayasundara-Smits. 47 сторінок, включно з додатками і бібліографією.
Місце в містичній лінії. Перша книга Тиру 2 (не-Балі, контроль). Перше джерело корпусу по яванському кебатінану / кеджавену — вузлу, який у решітці стояв порожнім на всі дванадцять стовпців.
0. Регістр і позиційність
Регістр за Filtr_pozytsiinosti_dzherela — A з важким B, і це треба тримати перед очима на кожному твердженні.
| Ознака | Що маємо |
|---|---|
| Формально | академічна кваліфікаційна робота, супервізія, бібліографія на ~90 позицій, апарат |
| Фактично | автор — адвокат предмета, а не спостерігач; прямо пише «I argue», «the author suggests», «I think Kejawen teaching could retrieve its dignity» |
| Позиція в полі | один з інформантів (Widhy Artono Andy Pratikto) — рідний дядько автора; контакти інших інформантів отримано через YouTube-канал Eanisme TV, тобто через середовище популяризації |
| Первинні дані | у тексті відсутні. Додатки A–E містять списки питань, але жодного транскрипту. Інтерв’ю з Мбах Харджо існує лише як посилання на відео |
| Доктринальне джерело | Damar Shashangka, Induk Ilmu Kejawen (2014) — автор-практик, регістр C/B; на нього спирається майже вся змістова частина розділу 2 |
Наслідок для корпусу. Політична й економічна частина роботи (розділи 3, 5, 6) спирається на перевірювані документи і цифри — це регістр A, беремо. Доктринальна частина (розділ 2) — це переказ практика через студента, беремо як свідчення про словник, не про устрій (Samozvit_ne_ie_svidchenniam_pro_stan, правило 1).
I. Предмет: що таке кеджавен за цим джерелом
Kejawen (також kebatinan, у західній літературі — «Javanese mysticism») — набір духовних практик і уявлень, що постав у давньояванському суспільстві. Ключові ознаки за Вазісто:
- Внутрішнє замість зовнішнього. Усі зовнішні обряди й релігійні закони розглядаються як попередня підготовка; їхня форма вторинна щодо функції — засобу дійти цілісності.
- Не обговорює, як поклонятися. Кеджавен не бере участі в суперечці про правильний обряд; він указує на подібність фундаментальних принципів усіх релігій.
- Психологізм. Учення прямо адресоване стражданню, страху, скорботі, самотності; джерело страждання — відокремлення себе (его). Насильство трактується як наслідок роз’єднання, спричиненого его.
- Не належить яванцям. Теза автора, яку варто відзначити окремо: «It is a misunderstanding to think that Kejawen teaching belongs to Javanese people… it is actually a philosophy to human psychological freedom».
Manunggaling kawulo gusti — єдність існування
Центральний догмат. Тотальність існування світу, що сполучає онтологію природного світу з людським мисленням, уявою і душею. Людина — мікромодель ширшого існування (jagat kecil), природний світ — макромодель (jagat besar) (Asmara 2013, 154).
Дві формули, важливі для решітки:
Manunggaling kawulo gusti — «total awareness of the oneness of perception, that means the actuality of one’s existence without denying the existence of the other».
«Manunggaling kawulo gusti is not an achievement but a state of adjusting and balancing the gaze of perception towards being able to perceive the unity of existence.»
І окремо — про его:
«the death of ego does not mean the non-existence of ego; it means sovereignty over one’s own ego. One may slip back into egoistical thinking and action, but one can readjust and rebalance that act of ego with a sense of remembrance (eling).»
Це заповнений стовпець 10. Антропологічна перспектива названа явно і названа нетипово: не злиття, не зникнення, не обоження — а суверенітет над власним его з правом на зрив і повернення. Механізм повернення має ім’я: eling, пам’ятання.
Сиех Сіті Джéнар — страта оператора
Фольклорний прецедент, яким кеджавен сам себе описує. Сіті Джéнар отримав знання єдності й почав проголошувати «я — бог». Ісламський монарх засудив його за ширк — визнання іншого бога поряд з єдиним. Після страти тіло зникло, а кров на землі склалася в арабське накреслення імені Аллаха.
Вазісто робить з цього правильний висновок: історія постулює, що вчення єдності має в яванській громаді історію мучеництва, і що це мучеництво походить із невідповідності між осягненням єдності і визначенням правильної поведінки в шаріаті. Тобто традиція сама зберігає пам’ять про свій режим невдачі — і цей режим зовнішній: не «практика не спрацювала», а «практику покарали».
II. Політична частина: кеджавен усередині державної ідеології
Панчасіла як езотерика на державній службі
Ланцюг аргументу:
- Панчасіла — політичний консенсус республіки, що вбирає метафізичний і духовний погляд народу (Harjosatoto 1996, 2). До неї застосовний принцип genetivus objectivus: Панчасіла як філософський об’єкт, що виводить свої значення з релігійної й духовної традиції народу.
- Сукарно постулював, що перша клаузула («віра в єдиного бога») походить з тубільної цінності, а не з привнесеної.
- Ромо Сурьо (інформант) стверджує, що Сукарно був палким послідовником кеджавену і розумів manunggaling kawulo gusti. Непрямий доказ синкретичного методу Сукарно — термін Nasakom (націоналізм + релігія + комунізм), покликаний зняти політичну конкуренцію того часу.
- Національне гасло Bhinneka Tunggal Ika («єдність у різноманітті») — цитата з давньояванської поеми: «Буддa і Шіва — дві різні субстанції. Вони справді різні, але як розпізнати їхню різницю з одного погляду, якщо істина Джини і істина Шіви — одна. Вони справді різні, але одного роду, бо в Істині немає двоїстості».
Головна теоретична рамка розділу — arcana imperii:
«esotericism in philosophy seems to be the analogon of the arcana imperii in politics, as it is the analogon of the mysteries in most religions: in all these cases, the secret is in reality the basis of the claims to rule and to authority on the part of the few (philosophers, statesmen, priests) over the many.» — Arthur Melzer, цит. за Vatter 2015, 183.
Перехоплення і виснаження першої клаузули
- 1945: Панчасілу формулюють Сукарно, Мох. Ямін, Супомо. П’ять принципів: (i) віра в єдиного бога, (ii) гуманізм, (iii) національна єдність, (iv) консенсусна демократія, (v) соціальна справедливість.
- 1967–1985: Сухарто наказує «операціоналізувати» Панчасілу (Weatherbee 1985, 133). Опозиція режимові прирівнюється до опозиції Панчасілі; уряд стає єдиним тлумачем того, що є Pancasilais.
- 1985: запроваджено індоктринаційну програму PMP (Pancasila Moral Education) для середньої школи (Weatherbee 1985, 134).
- Після 1998: ультраконсервативні групи (FPI та ін.) переозначують першу клаузулу через таухід — суворий монотеїзм, що відкидає різноманіття проявів бога. Панчасілу починають виводити виключно з Корану (Sudjito et al 2018, 71). Наслідок: іслам набуває вищої легітимності, ніж інші релігії, у формуванні нації.
Це той самий механізм, що й балійський, у зворотному напрямку. На Балі індуїсти підставили у конституційне гніздо монотеїзму слово, взяте протестантськими місіонерами (Sanhkhianh_Vidi_boh_na_vymohu_konstytutsii). На Яві езотеричний субстрат, за версією Вазісто, сам заповнив це гніздо в 1945-му, а потім його з гнізда витіснили. Спільне — не зміст, а форма: держава тримає одне гніздо монотеїстичної форми, і воно завжди комусь дістається.
III. Юридичне визнання і його порожнеча
| Подія | Що дало |
|---|---|
| Позов тубільних громад, задоволений Конституційним судом, 2016 | створення NGO AMAN (Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara) |
| Рішення 97/PUU-XIV/2016 | тубільні вірні можуть вписувати свою віру в KTP (посвідчення особи); чинні цивільні права, зокрема шлюбний обряд |
| Узагальнювальний термін рішення 2017 | penghayat kepercayaan — «прихильники вірувань», одна графа на всіх |
Заперечення автора, яке корпус бере як механізм: узагальнена графа не є визнанням. «To recognize a concept, idea, or group of people needs to explicitly mention the exact term preferred by those who follow. Kejawen should be called Kejawen».
Кейс Чілачапа й Джок’якарти. Релігійний клас на основі кеджавену запроваджено: 50 учнів у Чілачапі, 7 у Джок’якарті. Викладає Muslam Hadiwiguna Putra, budayawan (Rachmawati 2020). Предмет називається Pendidikan untuk penghayat kepercayaan. Мuslam зарплати від держави не отримує — він не держслужбовець, а «волонтер».
Рамка — тріада Ненсі Фрейзер (Fraser 1998, 6): ресурс / визнання / участь; усі три потрібні, і кожна почасти передбачає інші. Тут є третина: символічне визнання без ресурсу і без участі.
IV. Економіка: ярлик як товар
Цифри (2020, рупії):
| Заклад | Вступний внесок | Місячний |
|---|---|---|
| Al-Izhar Pondok Labu (ісламська приватна, Пд. Джакарта) | 35 000 000 | 2 000 000 |
| Sekolah Pelita Harapan Kemang Village (католицька мережа) | 21 000 000 | 6 250 000 |
| Державна школа | 500 000 | 100 000 |
| Категорія вчителя | Місячна платня |
|---|---|
| guru PNS (держслужбовець), диплом школи | ~3 000 000 |
| guru PNS, бакалавр | ~4 000 000 |
| guru honorer (позаштатний) | 50 000 – 200 000 |
Спостереження автора зсередини (він сам випускник Al-Izhar): з приблизно 140 учениць хіджаб носили дві. Батьки не заперечують проти способу життя й кар’єри дітей, що розходяться з ісламськими нормами. Висновок автора: покупається ярлик, а не зміст, і споживання це емоційне, а не раціональне.
Бергсон: статична і динамічна релігія
Рамка, взята через Lenoir 2003:
«The static religion was connected to dogma, morality and ritual. It was intended for the general congregation. The dynamic religion was to be found in mysticism.»
Динамічна релігія за Бергсоном пов’язана з відкритою мораллю, творчою емоцією, свободою переформулювання норми знизу. Статична накладає послух і порядок; модифікація лишається в руках релігійної еліти (Kurtz 1983, 1091), що щоразу відтворює постійну релігійну аристократію.
Робочий приклад динамічного полюсу — Emha Ainun Nadjib (Cak Nun), поет із суфійсько-кеджавенським тлом: у його pengajian аудиторія ставить питання і подає думки, тема не прив’язана до окремого коранічного тексту, а меседж — «думай сам». Критикують його за це з правого флангу.
V. Механізм делегітимації: bid’ah і супутня шкода
Вахабітський дискурс поділяє на dalil (має правову підставу) і bid’ah (обрядове нововведення, тобто єресь). Під bid’ah потрапляють уже синкретизовані з ісламом практики: шанування могил святих, поминальна тахлілан, святкування дня народження Пророка (маулідан).
За Вазісто, «єретиками» вважаються три групи: NU, іслам абанган і сам кеджавен. Але:
«However, Kejawen group does not explicitly attacked by the Wahhabis in their public argument, instead they specifically attack Nahdlatul Ulama because of their massive political and social power… Thus the people would feel reluctant to learn about Kejawen because it against with popular view of Wahhabist» (Firro 2013, 775).
Кеджавен нищиться не як ціль, а як сусід цілі.
Модератові доводиться відрізати містика
Найтверезіше місце роботи. Саїд Акіл Сірадж, голова NU: NU завжди в центрі, NU не може підтримати ані радикальне праве (вахабіти), ані радикальне ліве (ліберальні мусульмани і послідовники кеджавену).
«If NU tries to embrace radical view of Kejawen like manunggaling kawulo gusti and the practice of shalat daim, it is certain that the public will disagree, and NU will lose part of its legitimacy in public.»
Тобто поміркований центр структурно змушений відсікти езотерику, щоб лишитися центром. Це не ворожість — це умова утримання позиції.
VI. Устрій передачі
| Параметр | Що маємо |
|---|---|
| Форма передачі | закрита й більш-менш ексклюзивна пара гуру — murid (Geertz 1960, 328) |
| Наслідок | «makes Kejawen teaching circulate rather slowly, hardly reaching the masses» |
| Об’єднання (paguyuban) | Sumarah, Kawruh Bedja, Ilmu Sedjati, Budi Setia (Geertz 1960, 339–348) |
| Природа об’єднань | не є соціальними організаціями у формальному сенсі: без керівних рад, без регіонального представництва, без формального членства, аполітичні |
| Порівняння | на відміну від ісламських партій Яви з міцною формальною структурою, готових розширюватись і рекрутувати |
| Самоназва | більшість практиків не називають себе кеджавенськими, а позичають загальну релігійну ідентичність (іслам) |
| Приклад відмови від імені | Setyo Hajar Dewantoro відмовляється називати свій Mahadaya Institute кеджавенською сектою; додає гностицизм, дзен-буддизм, теософію |
Guru sejati і olah rasa
«The term guru sejati or the true teacher implies individual to seek truth within themselves before following or asking any religious leader… Kejawen teacher gives full authority to its disciples in order to process their own thought, feeling, and intuition, this concept is called olah rasa. Olah rasa can only be achieved when there is freedom of the individuals who are doing it.»
І далі — сумнів як інструмент: «eastern religious tradition encourages doubt to examine reality, it is in contrast with western religious tradition that substitutes doubt with faith».
Shalat daim — практика без контейнера
«Shalat daim or eternal prayer. Shalat daim is a form of meditative practice that could be done every time and everywhere, also it does not need any kind of ritual posture like Padmasana or lotus position… Shalat daim is a practice of observation and realization of one thinking process which tells that the thinker is not distinct from the thinking rather it is interconnected with one another» (Shashangka 2014, 261).
Вазісто зіставляє це з гайдеґґерівським «мислячим буттям»: «thinking Being does not mean to think “about” Being. Nor does it mean that the human being is a being that thinks» (Dahlin 2009, 540).
VII. Слабкі місця джерела — фіксуємо явно
| # | Що не так | Наслідок для використання |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Переклад Bhinneka Tunggal Ika наведено з припискою «(reference needed)» прямо в тексті | цитата не атрибутована автором; першоджерело — Sutasoma Мпу Тантулара, перевіряти окремо |
| 2 | «After 1989 reformation and the fall of Soeharto’s authoritarian regime» | фактична помилка: Сухарто пішов у травні 1998, Реформасі — 1998 |
| 3 | «total Islamization in Java since 18th century» | ісламізація Яви йде з XV–XVI ст.; датування завищене |
| 4 | Бібліографічний запис «Sudarsono 0AD» | збій апарату |
| 5 | Ім’я голови NU подано як «Said Aqil Qiraj» | правильно Siradj |
| 6 | Жодного транскрипту інтерв’ю | «феноменологічний метод» заявлений, але первинних даних у роботі немає |
| 7 | Доктрина — переказ Shashangka (практик) | розділ 2 читається як етнографія словника, не як опис устрою |
Помилки 2–5 дрібні й не руйнують аргументу, але вони калібрують довіру: перевіряти всі дати й імена, які зустрінуться далі.
VIII. Що це дало решітці
Рядок «Яванський кебатінан» був порожній на всі дванадцять стовпців. Після цього джерела:
| Стовпець | Було | Стало | Чим |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 Відбір | ○ | ◐ | добровільний вхід, без хвороби; діада гуру–murid |
| 2 Строк служби | ○ | ○ | не адресовано |
| 3 Провідник | ○ | ● | гуру є, але віддає повноваження (guru sejati, olah rasa) |
| 4 Контейнер | ○ | ● | paguyuban без структури; shalat daim контейнера не потребує |
| 5 Буфер | ○ | ○ | не описано; імовірно відсутній за принципом — перевірити |
| 6 Вікно | ○ | ● | безперервне, «every time and everywhere» |
| 7 Соматика | ○ | ◐ | мінімальна: без пози, мовчання, спостереження думки |
| 8 Навігація | ○ | ◐ | сумнів як інструмент; eling як повернення; карти стадій не подано |
| 9 Адресат | ○ | ◐ | Ґусті; але єдність знімає розрізнення адресата й того, хто звертається |
| 10 Перспектива | ○ | ● | суверенітет над его зі збереженням его; названо явно |
| 11 Відтворюваність | ○ | ◐ | перші два тести так; третій під загрозою — позичена ідентичність, повільний обіг |
| 12 Режим невдачі | ○ | ◐ | у практиці не описано; на рівні традиції — зовнішній (Сіті Джéнар) |
Головна методологічна поправка. Правило VII.1 решітки записувало кебатінан у кандидати на контрольну вибірку (традиція, де контакт і спорідненість виключені). Це джерело знімає кандидатуру: кеджавен наскрізь синкретичний з індуїзмом, буддизмом та ісламом і сам себе описує через них. Контролем він не є.
🧪 E / M
| # | Твердження | E/M |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Робота — магістерський RP ISS Erasmus, грудень 2020, 47 с. | E — титул |
| 2 | Автор інтерв’ював дев’ятьох осіб, четверо — вчителі й практики кеджавену | E — §1.4 |
| 3 | Один з інформантів — дядько автора | E — §1.4 |
| 4 | Транскриптів інтерв’ю в роботі немає, лише списки питань | E — додатки A–E |
| 5 | Отже, доктринальна частина спирається на Shashangka (практик), а не на польові дані | M — наше прочитання |
| 6 | Manunggaling kawulo gusti — центральний догмат; мікро/макро (jagat kecil / jagat besar) | E |
| 7 | «Не досягнення, а стан налаштування погляду» | E — цитата |
| 8 | «Смерть его означає не неіснування его, а суверенітет над ним»; повернення — через eling | E — цитата |
| 9 | Отже, стовпець 10 заповнений і заповнений нетипово | M |
| 10 | Історія Сіті Джéнара: страта за ширк, кров склалася в ім’я Аллаха | E — переказ джерела; фольклор, не подія |
| 11 | Отже, режим невдачі традиції — зовнішній, а не процедурний | M |
| 12 | Shalat daim — «every time and everywhere», без ритуальної пози | E — цитата (через Shashangka 2014, 261) |
| 13 | Guru sejati; вчитель віддає учневі повні повноваження; olah rasa | E — цитата |
| 14 | Отже, кеджавен — контрприклад до тези С2 (контейнер + провідник вирішують більше за техніку) | M — гіпотеза, до перевірки; один випадок |
| 15 | Передача — закрита діада гуру–murid (Geertz 1960, 328) | E — вторинне цитування |
| 16 | Paguyuban: Sumarah, Kawruh Bedja, Ilmu Sedjati, Budi Setia (Geertz 1960, 339–348) | E — вторинне цитування |
| 17 | Об’єднання не мають рад, представництва, формального членства; аполітичні | E — за Geertz 1960, 331 |
| 18 | Більшість практиків реєструються як мусульмани і не називають себе кеджавенськими | E |
| 19 | Отже, традиція виживає, позичаючи ім’я чинної прошивки | M — наша формула |
| 20 | Сукарно виводив першу клаузулу Панчасіли з тубільної цінності | E — за Schindehütte 2006 через автора |
| 21 | Сукарно був послідовником кеджавену | M — слова інформанта (Ромо Сурьо), не документ |
| 22 | П’ять клаузул Панчасіли; автори — Сукарно, Ямін, Супомо, 1945 | E |
| 23 | Цитата Мелцера про arcana imperii | E — через Vatter 2015, 183 |
| 24 | Сухарто операціоналізував Панчасілу 1967–1985; PMP з 1985 | E — Weatherbee 1985, 133–134 |
| 25 | Після 1998 першу клаузулу переозначили через таухід | E — Sudjito et al 2018, 71 |
| 26 | Отже, гніздо монотеїстичної форми в державі одне, і воно переходить з рук у руки | M — наша формула; два випадки (Балі, Ява) |
| 27 | Рішення КС 97/PUU-XIV/2016; графа віри в KTP; AMAN | E |
| 28 | Узагальнювальний термін penghayat kepercayaan (2017) | E |
| 29 | Чілачап — 50 учнів, Джок’якарта — 7; викладач Muslam, без зарплати | E — Rachmawati 2020 |
| 30 | Отже, визнання без ресурсу не є визнанням | M — за рамкою Fraser 1998, 6 |
| 31 | Ціни шкіл і платні вчителів (таблиці §IV) | E — дані автора, 2020 |
| 32 | Дві хіджаб-носійки зі ~140 учениць у Al-Izhar | E — особисте спостереження автора, регістр B |
| 33 | Отже, купується ярлик | M — висновок автора, корпус приймає з поміткою |
| 34 | Бергсон: статична релігія — догма/мораль/обряд; динамічна — в містиці | E — цитата через Lenoir 2003 |
| 35 | Cak Nun: pengajian з питаннями аудиторії, меседж «думай сам» | E |
| 36 | Вахабіти публічно атакують NU, а не кеджавен; кеджавен страждає як суміжний | E — з поміткою Firro 2013, 775 |
| 37 | Отже, супутня делегітимація — окремий механізм | M — наша формула |
| 38 | Саїд Акіл: NU не може прийняти manunggaling kawulo gusti і shalat daim, бо втратить легітимність | E |
| 39 | Отже, поміркований центр структурно змушений відсікти містика | M |
| 40 | Shashangka: Kejawen = явансько-ісламська духовність; Jawadipa = індуїстсько/буддійсько-яванська | E — Shashangka 2014, 25 |
| 41 | Не всі практики приймають цей поділ термінів | E |
| 42 | «1989 reformation» — помилка джерела (правильно 1998) | E — звірено |
| 43 | «Ісламізація Яви з XVIII ст.» — завищене датування | M — наша поправка за загальною хронологією; перевірити першоджерелом |
| 44 | Переклад національного гасла подано з «(reference needed)» | E — у тексті |
| 45 | Кеджавен не придатний як контрольна вибірка решітки | M — наша поправка правила VII.1 |
Open Questions
- Чи є в кеджавені буфер — хтось, хто перекладає сказане назовні? Джерело мовчить, і це може означати і «не описано», і «немає за принципом». Друге було б найціннішим: традиція, де кожен сам собі буфер.
- Що саме робить olah rasa операційно? Ми маємо декларацію повноважень, але не процедуру.
- Чи має shalat daim діагностику збою — аналог «прелесті»? Практика без контейнера і без пози без діагностики виглядає небезпечно; або вона є, або традиція покладається на щось інше.
- Чи справді Сукарно був практиком кеджавену? Це твердження інформанта. Перевіряти за текстами самого Сукарно (промова 1 червня 1945) і за Schindehütte 2006.
- Bhinneka Tunggal Ika: точний текст Sutasoma Мпу Тантулара, строфа 139.5 — знайти публікацію і звірити.
- Чи існує зворотний випадок: традиція, що відмовилася позичати ім’я чинної прошивки, і що з нею сталося?
🔗 Зв’язки
Внутрішні
- Kedzhaven_substrat_bez_vlasnoho_imeni — головний механізм, витягнутий з цього джерела
- Manunhhalinh_kavulo_husti — центральний догмат
- Shalat_daim_praktyka_bez_konteinera
- Huru_seiati_providnyk_shcho_viddaie_povnovazhennia
- Derzhava_vymahaie_monoteistychnoho_hnizda
- Ezoteryka_iak_arcana_imperii
- Suputnia_delehitymatsiia
- Moderat_musyt_vidsikty_mistyka
- Vyznannia_bez_resursu
- Zakryta_diada_iak_mezha_vidtvorennia
- Mistychni_vuzly_porivnialna_reshitka
- Sanhkhianh_Vidi_boh_na_vymohu_konstytutsii — дзеркальний випадок з Балі
- Psykhopraktyka_kak_katehoryia
- Ezoteryka_kak_otdelnoe_iavlenye
- Samozvit_ne_ie_svidchenniam_pro_stan
- Mezha_mekhanizatsii_praktyky
- Filtr_pozytsiinosti_dzherela
- Yzobretyonnaia_tradytsyia
Зовнішні
- Shashangka D. Induk Ilmu Kejawen. — 2014 — доктринальне джерело автора; регістр C/B, дістати окремо.
- Geertz C. The Religion of Java. — 1960 — цитується за сторінками 328, 331, 339–348; першоджерело для стовпців 1, 4, 11, читати самостійно.
- Mulder N. Mysticism in Java: Ideology in Indonesia. — 1998 — паралельне джерело, в роботі не цитується; у нас у черзі.
- Fraser N. Social Justice in the Age of Identity Politics. — 1998 — рамка ресурс/визнання/участь.
- Vatter M. — 2015 — джерело цитати Мелцера про arcana imperii.
- Weatherbee D. — 1985 — операціоналізація Панчасіли при Сухарто.
📄 Повний текст джерела
Нижче — машинна екстракція (pdftotext -layout) без правок. Колонтитули й номери сторінок збережено як є.
REFLECTING ON KEJAWEN:
JAVANESE ESOTERIC TEACHINGS IN INDONESIAN
NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
A Research Paper presented by:
Muhammad Adiz Wasisto
(Indonesia)
in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
Major:
Human Rights, Gender and Conflict: Social Justice Perspectives
(SJP)
Members of the Examining Committee:
Dr. Helen Hintjens
Dr. Shyamika Jayasundara-Smits
The Hague, The Netherlands
December 2020
Contents
Abstract vi
Relevance to Development Studies vi
Chapter 1: Opening the Door: Kejawen vii
1.1 Introduction: What is Kejawen? vii
1.2 The Research Problem viii
1.3 Research Questions ix
1.4 Methodology x
1.5 Chapter outline xi
Chapter 2: Kejawen: a ‘Radical View of Unity’ xii
2.1 Introduction xii
2.2 Esoteric Kejawen teachings on unity of existence xii
2.3 Oneness through the ages: pluralism and syncretisation xiii
2.4 The political economy of religion xv
2.5 Critical thinking for moral and religious education xvi
2.6 Conclusion xvi
Chapter 3: An esoteric perspective on national unity xvii
3.1 Introduction xvii
3.2 Background and context of Pancasila xvii
3.3 Kejawen, state ideology and national development xviii
3.4 Interpretation of Pancasila xix
3.5 Conclusion xxi
Chapter 4 Kejawen Teachings in Educational Institutions xxii
4.1 Introduction xxii
4.2 PKN and Kejawen in civic education xxii
4.3 Promising Developments in Elementary Schools xxiii
4.4 The benefit of spiritual teaching on youth mental health xxiv
4.5 In defence of informality xxiv
4.6 Critical pedagogy xxv
4.7 Conclusion xxvi
Chapter 5: Commodification: Religion and Esoteric Kejawen Knowledge xxvii
5.1 Introduction xxvii
5.2 The rise of religious neo-liberalism xxvii
5.3 Conclusion xxxii
Chapter 6: Reflecting on Orthodoxy and Heresy xxxiii
6.1 Introduction xxxiii
6.2 Caught in ideological fight xxxiii
iii
6.3 Conclusion xxxv
Chapter 7: Conclusions 1
List of Maps
Map 1 Map of Indonesia
Map 2 Map of Java Island
Map 3 Map of Yogyakarta
Map 4 Map of Jakarta
Map 5 Map of Cilacap
List of Appendices
Appendix A: Interview questions for Romo Suryo
Appendix B: Interview questions for Mbah Harjo
Appendix C: Interview questions for Mr. Setyo Hajar Dewantoro
Appendix D: Interview questions for Mr. Widhy Artono Andy Pratikto
Appendix E: Interview questions for moral education in Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan
Appendix F: Interview video with Mbah Harjo
List of Acronyms
AMAN Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (the Alliance of Nusantara Adat Com-
munities)
PKN Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan (Civic Education)
PKS Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Justice and Prosperity Party)
NU Nahdlatul Ulama (Biggest Indonesian Islamic Organization)
FPI Forum Pembela Islam
v
Abstract
Kejawen as a concept of spirituality arose out of ancient Javanese society. Many Western schol-
ars have used the term ‘Javanese mysticism’ to refer to Kejawen teachings, which focus on
inward rather than outward religious expression and feeling. Kejawen teaching offers an eso-
teric understanding of religion and spirituality, one that seems to circulate mainly outside
formal religious traditions. This paper demonstrates the significance of Kejawen teaching in
spiritual, psychological, and social development in Indonesia, suggesting it has especial rele-
vance to issues of peace and violence. Placing Kejawen in its context, this study shows how
after independence, national development in Indonesia was influenced by the esoteric ideas
of Kejawen, as portrayed in the national motto “unity in diversity”. This expression resembles
the post-independence state ideology of Pancasila. Through analysis of key nationalist texts,
themes linked to elements of Kejawen teachings, are identified and analysed in this study. This
is done by analysing key texts, including Soekarno’s independence speech of July 1945, Pan-
casila itself, and material from more recent social media. The reader will find out more about
the need for comprehensive symbolic and resource-based recognition of Kejawen teachings
in Indonesian society.
Relevance to Development Studies
Indigenous perspectives on development are rarely referred to in contemporary development
studies approaches. If this neglect continues, then in some settings, indigenous knowledge
may gradually decrease to the point where there is little chance of knowledge reproduction
over time. An effort must be made to avoid such cultural genocide, which can be of salience
for national and individual identity, conflict resolution and peaceful coexistence. Lack of
cultural sense of identity indicates rampant hegemony and domination, and can even indicate
a form of colonialization, whether through cultural politics, religion or other forms of iden-
tity politics. The more comprehensive – moral and material - recognition of Kejawen teaching
by the Indonesian government, could formalize and protect its significance and influence in
issues of social development and peaceful coexistence. This can help reinforce a sense of
strong, yet open, national identity and protect citizens, in line with wider human development
goals. As a form of alternative knowledge, Kejawen can certainly provide a unique perspective
on discussions of social development, peace and tolerance in Indonesian society.
Keywords: Kejawen, religions, esoteric teachings, indigenous knowledge, spirituality, Java,
nationalism, resources, recognition, Pancasila.
Chapter 1: Opening the Door: Kejawen
1.1 Introduction: What is Kejawen?
In this study, Kejawen is looked at as a set of spiritual practices and beliefs that arose out of
ancient Javanese society. Many Western scholars have used the term ‘Javanese mysticism’ to
refer to Kejawen teachings, which focus on inward rather than outward religious expression
and feeling. Kejawen teaching offers an esoteric understanding of religion and spirituality, one
that seems to circulate mainly outside formal religious traditions. Other great esoteric tradi-
tions, like Sufism, Christian spirituality, and Jewish Kabbalah share many of similar ideas to
Kejawen teachings, and require deep attention from practitioners to the essence of religion
itself, represented as a state of unity or oneness with God and the universe (Shashangka,
2014: 84).
All external rituals and religious laws are viewed as only preliminary preparations, their
form being secondary to their function as a means towards attaining the true spiritual path
of wholeness. Rituals and beliefs, according to Kejawen principles, should not be regarded as
the fundamental precursor to action but as broad principles or forms of guidance that help
to come in touch with and observe God’s existence through on-going psychological struggle.
Kejawen teaching does not deal with the debate of how to worship; instead it discusses
the similarity of the fundamental principles of all religions. In its teaching, Kejawen encourages
self-observation of the mind, which allows one to study the inward psychological problems
of human thinking and feeling (Shashangka, 2014: 80). Kejawen followers believe that medi-
tative silence and focusing the mind can bring stability to one’s psyche, and that in turn a
stable psyche or mind will be far removed from thoughts of violence. This is because they
view violence as the result of division caused by the ego. There are strong echoes in this also,
of the meditative practices of Buddhism.
Indonesia as a highly religious society often employs religious and spiritual concepts to
justify its human rights perspective (ter Haar 2009, 5). In addition, human rights debates at
international or national level, are often limited to the discussion of human rights as legal
instrument without looking at the religious concepts of humans as beings with innate rights
derived from their spirituality and connection with God (ter Haar 2009, 9). In a country with
a fervent religious climate like Indonesia, human rights discussions are supposed to be dis-
cussed using the ‘indigenous language’, which is supposed to match and also help to com-
municate the multi-dimensional morality of the Indonesia people (ter Haar 2009, 10). This
study will show that after independence national development in Indonesia was deeply em-
bedded in the esoteric ideas of Kejawen, as portrayed in the motto “unity in diversity”. This
expression resembles the new state ideology of Pancasila. As an instrument for national de-
velopment, a single pan-national language, Bahasa Indonesian, was created and taught in
schools as the official language, which made cross-community and inter-regional communi-
cation possible. Along with this, a form of enshrined cultural wisdom, involving coexistence
of major religious communities and beliefs, within the nation adopted these kinds of pluralist
and inclusive forms of ideology, expressed in Pancasila, and arguably rooted in Kejawen.
vii
1.2 The Research Problem
This research paper discusses the significance of Kejawen teaching as both spiritual concept
and method in modern Indonesian society. The recognition of Indigenous faiths has been
rather slow since independence. It was only in 2016 that the Indonesian Constitutional Court
granted a lawsuit by indigenous communities, which led to the creation of an NGO called
the Alliance of Nusantara Adat Communities or Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN).
The court verdict states that indigenous people can use their indigenous religious identity in
civil registration, as for example on the Indonesian civil identity card, the Kartu Tanda
Penduduk (KTP). Subsequently, only six major religions in Indonesia are recognized admin-
istratively by the government. With the ruling of Indonesian Constitutional Court case num-
ber 97/PUU-XIV/2016, indigenous people can enjoy their religious right in civil manner like
in marriage ceremony. However, this administrative recognition is inadequate for Kejawen
teaching and other indigenous faiths. Indonesian government understands indigenous faith
only as identity not as a knowledge whose survival is depend on the distribution of resource
which is through the dissemination of knowledge. Thus, the symbolic recognition is less
important than the comprehensive recognition
The paradox is that Kejawen teaching has historically been excluded from formal Indo-
nesian religious orthodoxy since the nation state was proclaimed in 1945. The survival of a
Kejawen narrative is preserved by relatively few individuals and groups. Therefore, it is uncer-
tain whether Kejawen narratives and esoteric traditions can continue to be reproduced in fu-
ture. Kejawen teachings are disseminated only through local, informal agency. Today it is com-
mon people, like village elders, spiritual teachers, and independence practitioners who are
the only remaining sources of Kejawen teachings. The teaching of Kejawen knowledge of the
esoteric rests in the closed and more or less exclusive relationship between individual teach-
ers (the guru) and individual students (the murid) (Geertz 1960, 328). The need for this rela-
tionship between teacher and student makes Kejawen teaching circulate rather slowly, hardly
reaching the masses. In addition, Kejawen communities in Central and East Java are separated
into several sects. Sumarah, Kawruh Bedja, Ilmu Sedjati, and Budi Setia are the best-known Kejawen
associations (paguyuban) in Java (Geertz 1960, 339-348). Currently, new associations have
been proliferated, some proclaimed under the banner of Kejawen and some refuse to be called
Kejawen association rather prefer the term general spiritual teaching. One of author interview-
ees, Mr. Setyo Hajar Dewantoro refuses to call his association called Mahadaya Institute as
Kejawen sect, he also adopts other spiritual traditions like Gnosticism, Zen Buddhism, and
Theosophy. Although, Kejawen has its own social organizations, in the form of these associ-
ations, they cannot be considered social organizations in the formal sense. The associations
are only concerned with the spiritual development of their members, and they are a-political
in nature. Unlike Islamic parties in Java which have strong formal organizational structures,
ready to expand and recruit new members, with governing boards, commissioners, regional
representative, and formal rank-and-file membership, Kejawen has been a largely informal,
loosely arranged set of spiritual practices (Geertz 1960, 331).
The traditional sense of disseminating spiritual knowledge from person to person, in an
esoteric or mystical style, has become a shortcoming for Kejawen adherents, becoming left
behind it seems, in an era of fast communication and number of adherents as measures of
salience and relevance. On the other hand, larger religious groups that use mass-communi-
cation techniques, for instance for mass congregations on television, and by uploading ser-
mons on YouTube, or by finding celebrities who follow their religious lifestyle and provide
endorsement, all tend to move away from esoteric and syncretic beliefs that underpin syn-
cretism and religious tolerance. Although some young Kejawen practitioners like Eanisme TV
(a YouTuber that provided the author the contact of the interviewees) are shifting into social
media to promote and distribute their teachings, they often reach an impasses in the face of
popular social sentiment, especially among the Wahhabis groups who consider their own
brand of Islam the only ‘true faith’. This study will examine the struggle for recognition of
Kejawen, in a context where the distribution of religious resources is based both on legal pro-
tections and the social legitimacy of various kinds of religious beliefs in contemporary Indo-
nesia.
From 2014 to 2020, the rise of extreme political polarization has reinforced delegit-
imsing social sentiments towards Kejawen teachings, as groups like Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia
(HTI), Forum Pembela Islam (FPI), and a handful of other non-affiliated preachers like Yazid
bin Abdul Qadir Jawas, Khalid Basalamah, and even the moderate Islamic organization like
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have all rejected or partly rejected the existence of Kejawen teaching as
part of Islam. It has been branded as heretical teaching under the principle of Shirk and
Bid’ah, discussed further in chapter six (Armstrong 2015, 39). In this study, I argue that such
narratives of Shirk and Bid’ah are not necessarily targeted at the Javanese Kejawen community.
The study examines how Kejawen teachings relate to such delegitimizing narratives, from re-
ligious authorities and political parties who endorse more puritanical forms of Islam or mod-
erate version of Islam under the banner of NU. Do such forms of religious intolerance in-
evitably weaken Kejawen communities, or not?. Kejawen teaching seem a less attractive
constituency for political parties to mobilise than those who adopt a fixed ideological com-
pass like the purists and the moderates (Firro 2013, 771). Above all, I will suggest that it is
not so much any deficiency in their esoteric or spiritual teachings that is jeopardizing the
survival of Kejawen, but the very unequal distribution of resources and recognition. External
pressures from less tolerant, more ritual-based, as well as highly organized and commercial-
ized forms of Islam, also threaten to overwhelm the syncretism of Kejawen.
The study will show how those associated with Kejawen teachings and beliefs are placed
in ambivalent and marginalized positions within the contemporary social and political climate
in Indonesia, and are by-passed by unhealthy forms of political contestation that focus almost
solely on external values of power accumulation, rather than on collective civil welfare and
cultural preservation. In some ways, these recent developments are coming to impede the
development of democratic process and even recognition of diverse cultural identities within
Indonesia. Thus, this research paper addresses the historical significance of Kejawen teachings
and beliefs, and shows how previous ideologies of the state and social structure of Indone-
sian society recognized this Javanese spiritual tradition, which will be shown to have been
especially influential in the early formulation of Indonesian nationalism. In addition, the
study seeks to draw out some lessons from the recent past, examining Kejawen texts and a
range of rarely-examined Kejawen teachings. Finally, the research also discusses the continued
relevance of esoteric Kejawen teachings today. It is suggested this belief systems, can poten-
tially contribute to continued development of a peaceful and tolerant society in Indonesia.
In addition, it can reinforce on democratic practices for political parties and social actors in
the country. Lastly, the paper discusses what are the main obstacles for gaining resources,
recognition and respect for Kejawen teaching, viewing Javanese religious beliefs as cultural
rights, especially in the modern and digital era.
1.3 Research Questions
This research paper has one main question:
ix
How has Kejawen teaching been recognized in post-independence Indonesian soci-
ety?
There are three sub-questions which are:
(1) To what extent did Kejawen teachings contribute towards formulation of the ideal of
Indonesian national society after independence?
(2) What kinds of perspectives on national development on peace can Kejawen teaching offer
Indonesian society?
(3) How do current political and social realities in Indonesia influence recognition and dis-
tribution of Kejawen teachings, and participation of Kejawen practitioners in religious and
public life?
1.4 Methodology
This research paper relies mostly on secondary data for analysis. Although it is mainly litera-
ture-based research, this is supplemented by the use of visual and on-line materials, as well
as selected number of open-ended and semi structural interviews. The author interviewed
nine individuals, four of them are Kejawen teachers and practitioner. They are Romo Suryo, a
Kejawen teacher from paguyuban sambung rasa, Mbah Harjo, a spiritual guide and community
healer, Mr. Setyo Hajar Dewantoro, the head of Mahadaya Institute, and Mr. Widhy Artono
Andy Pratikto, a Kejawen practitioner who is also author’s uncle. Also, the author interviewed
five high schoolers from Al-Izhar Pondok Labu Islamic school regarding the moral and re-
ligious education discusses in chapter four. In addition, as qualitative research, the study
relies on the author’s observations as a social actor who has lived in the social environment
being researched. The analysis will be conducted in a dialogic manner, meaning that analysis
will interchangeably move between reviewing scholarly and other literature, data from inter-
views and social media, alongside some experience-based observations. Although the selec-
tion of literature is subjective, its selection and interpretation has been guided by the need to
address the main focus of the study, set by the research question and sub-questions. The
author has therefore tried to locate the most relevant available research and data in both
English and Bahasa, highlighting the relevance of content through both text analysis and
coding, and matching of keywords (Archer 2018, 7). Thus, it can ensure data saturation.
The interviews of four Kejawen teachers and practitioners were conducted as part of this
research paper uses the phenomenological method which is an intensive conversation that is
intended to gather information and impressions from interviewees’ interior awareness
around a specific concern (Mohajan 2018, 9). The author uses chat apps like WhatsApp and
Instagram to discuss the contexts and problems that arise from the research. Thus, the in-
terview becomes a psychological tool that is conducted over several encounters with the
same individuals, over time. This helps ensure that their psychological state and perceptions
are well understood, which is important when considering the esoteric teachings of Kejawen
and their influence on national development imaginaries in Indonesia. It can be noted that
using the phenomenologic method of gaining deeper insights has involved reflecting deeply,
not only on interview material around Kejawen esoteric teachings and ideas, but also by fol-
lowing up with questions and deeper explorations via extensive texting of interviewees
around potential sources of insight (Mohajan 2018, 9). In addition, the interview with Mbah
Harjo is recorded and uploaded to YouTube (the link can be found in appendices). In this
method, the author benefits to the discussion of the viewer in the comment section. The
reactions of the viewers can indicate the people perspective on Kejawen teaching.
1.5 Chapter outline
The literature review of this research paper is in Chapter 2, which focuses on problems of
lack of recognition and resources for Kejawen teaching. This chapter also reviews theories of
religion and development, and meanings of key terms like syncretism, esoteric and spiritual-
ity. In Chapter 3, analysis of classic Indonesian nationalist texts is linked to elements of
Kejawen teachings. This is done through analysing texts like Soekarno’s independence speech
of July 1945, the Preamble of the 1945 Indonesian Constitution, the Indonesian national
motto of Bhineka Tunggal Ika and Pancasila itself (Mohajan 2018, 6). Chapter 3 also provides
historical background to the chapters that follow. Chapter 4 then considers spaces available
for teaching about Kejawen in formal and informal education. Finally, Chapter 5 and 6 ask
how Kejawen teachings can survive in a context of the increasing appeal of less unitary forms
of religious belief, especially those propagated by religious influencers and political parties in
Indonesia. This chapter examines whether more formal recognition of the Kejaswen legacy
might provide a solution, or at least an alternative. Given how marginalized, and even stig-
matized, Kejawen beliefs and practices are today, how could recognition and improved re-
sources help disseminate esoteric Kejawen teachings with a view to promoting more peaceful
coexistence and democratic values? On the other hand, what risks could formal religious
recognition and added state resources pose for the esoteric, syncretic teachings of Kejawen in
future?
xi
Chapter 2: Kejawen: a ‘Radical View of Unity’
2.1 Introduction
This chapter provides a theoretical framework for the rest of the study. The moral dimen-
sions of Kejawen teachings and its philosophy are discussed, and shown to have been a
profound element influencing construction of Indonesia’s moral standards as a nation. Since
modernity and globalization often repress the moral identity of individual societies, it follows
that Indonesia has the right to determine its own national perspectives on moral philosophy
and human rights, on the basis of its own people’s religious, spiritual, and cultural values (ter
Haar 2009, 12). At the same time, a level of openness to the universality of beliefs should
also be encouraged as part of nationalism, since the global movement of ideas, particularly
regarding moral philosophy, has become almost inevitable.
2.2 Esoteric Kejawen teachings on unity of existence
Like Buddhism, and many other ‘spiritual’ religious traditions, Kejawen teaching stresses the
ideals of psychological development and the freedom of human beings from fear and suffer-
ing. It concerns itself with the inner development of the human psyche (Shashangka 2014,
107), and in a sense aims to observe the problem of human suffering through working on
the basis of emotions like fear, grief and sadness, as well as with situations of loneliness and
insecurity. Kejawen teaching believes that human suffering is the outcome of separation, which
means the separation of the self or the ego. When human beings operate through their ego,
their actions become self-centered. A self-centered mindset is viewed as fertile ground for
conflict and vice to be manifested.
The importance of dealing with human suffering is because of the social problems that
suffering is believed to lead to, including violence, conflict, greed, corruption, aggression and
the abuse of weaker others. Ideally, therefore, Kejawen teachings consider self-reflection as
potentially a wider solution for moral and ethical problems in society, contributing in this
way to a corresponding formulation of a more just and inclusive society. The teachings thus
have goals of individual spiritual advancement, which in turn is taken to form the basis on
which collective spiritual development can be constructed, at the level of society as a whole.
Therefore, Kejawen teaching encourages individual spiritual development before collective
spiritual development.
Most writings on the Kejawen teachings, emphasize the principle of the ‘unity of exist-
ence’ (manunggaling kawulo gusti) which is seen as the central tenet of Kejawen teaching. The
principle of manunggaling kawulo gusti postulates the totality of world existence which connects
the ontology of the natural world, with the notion of human thought and rationality, human
imagination, and the existence of the soul. This principle of oneness of all existence, views
human beings as micro-models of wider existence (jagat kecil) and the natural world as a
macro-model of human existence (jagat besar) (Asmara 2013, 154). These models are seen as
a reflection of how everything is inter-connected, and Kejawen teaching intends to explain the
patterns involved, and in this way show the connections between ‘everything’.
This principle can be described through the story of infamous Javanese-Kejawen sage
Syekh Siti Jenar. In the story Syekh Siti Jenar received enlightenment in the form of unique
knowledge that said he was a God or Allah. He was charged with heresy by the Islamic
monarch at that time because he violated the first tenet of Syariah which is the act of Shirk
or recognizing another god besides the one true god. This story was recounted in folklore as
the story of a prominent scholar who went mad, because he kept shouting “I am a god”,
allegedly after receiving the mystical knowledge of oneness. Because of that knowledge, he
was deemed as troublemaker because he was challenging the religious tradition in that time
as well as contesting the authority of religious leaders. On the other hand, he was deemed as
a revolutionary figure of true religious teaching.
In the story, and perhaps in real life, he was decapitated for heresy and a miracle hap-
pened. His body disappeared a moment after his head fell off, and his splattered blood on
the ground miraculously shaped the Arabic word for Allah, the name of God. This very
folkloric story postulates that the teaching of the ‘unity of existence’ within the Javanese
community has a history of martyrdom, one that arises out of a mismatch – or misunder-
standing - between the insight of oneness, and the definition of correct conduct in the Islamic
religion, through the Syariah (shariah). The story is also interesting, since in many ways, this
clash of understandings continues between Kejawen and more formal versions of Islam even
today, as this study will discuss.
Furthermore, Manunggaling kawulo gusti can be defined as total awareness of the oneness
of perception, that means the actuality of one’s existence without denying the existence of
the other. Kejawen teaching recognizes the principle of manunggaling kawulo gusti as a state of
consciousness which is developed by a set of rituals that symbolize the quality of realizing
one’s existence. So, manunggaling kawulo gusti is not an achievement but a state of adjusting
and balancing the gaze of perception towards being able to perceive the unity of existence.
It is also analogous with the concept of the perceiver is the perceived as well as the observer
being the observed.
2.3 Oneness through the ages: pluralism and syncretisation
This principle of the unity of existence resonates with the concept coined by Jiddu Krishna-
murti of ‘seeing what actually is’. Krishnamurti sees truth as total awareness and distinct from
the kind of thoughts and sensations that come from the conscious thinking process and the
external senses. For instance, one sees trees and mountains which are there as a fact. Fur-
thermore, one says that trees and mountains are beautiful, or one wants to go hiking because
trees and mountains are pretty. This is the product of conscious thinking processes and the
external senses.
Krishnamurti argues that the state of total awareness require silence from thinking pro-
cesses and the senses, as a precursor of understanding ‘what actually is’, a notion similar to
‘the unity of existence’. On the other hand, manunggaling kawulo gusti also explains the totality
of all existence without a sense of external separation, resulting from what psychiatry calls
‘the ego’. In this psychological or spiritual state of total awareness, the ego is also perceived
so that it cannot function to separate the self, because the ego has been paralyzed by the gaze
of inner awareness that has unveiled how this separation works. However, the death of ego
does not mean the non-existence of ego; it means sovereignty over one’s own ego. One may
slip back into egoistical thinking and action, but one can readjust and rebalance that act of
ego with a sense of remembrance (eling) which is able to turn an egotistical state back towards
a state of total awareness of the ‘unity of everything’ (Asmara 2013, 154).
xiii
Mannuggaling kawulo gusti, as a grand, holistic concept of unity, can be useful in explaining
individual psychological and religious development. It can also be used as an alternative per-
spective for finding solutions for violence, injustices and conflicts in society. In the Republic,
as Plato explains, justice is tied to a ‘quality of the soul’, and Plato places considerable em-
phasis on the importance of the individual’s internal psychic state, as well as their actions and
an individual’s conduct in striving for just outcomes. Plato argues that there are internal and
external aspects to justice. He explains that external acts of injustice will eventually disturb
the internal balance of the soul, upsetting the modality of one’s own happiness. Furthermore,
according to Klosko, Plato also explains the characteristics of the just and unjust soul as the
metaphysical foundation of his entire political theory (Klosko 2012, 8).
On the other hand, manunggaling kawulo gusti differs from Plato’s notions of justice and
injustice, since it explains the relationship between harmony of the soul or the psyche and
acts of injustice the other way around. Whereas in Plato’s Republic, he focuses on how an act
of injustice or justice shapes the psyche or soul, he does not suggest the psyche or soul is
shaping the external acts, reversing the relationship between consciousness and deeds
(Klosko 2012, 8). Whereas Plato postulates that quality of one’s soul will be reflected in the
form of external deeds, his concern is from the perspective of external consequences of
internal states, rather than from the perspective of the cause of internal states themselves.
In contrast, the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti, especially in its mechanisms and
methodology in teachings reflects an understanding that a just soul is the product of a per-
petual inner struggles, involving perpetual efforts to realise the unity of existence. Therefore,
a person behaves justly because he or she has managed to settle their inner conflicts and
master the ego. To put this simply, both concepts emphasize the importance of the quality
of the human soul. The Kejawen principle of manunggaling kawulo gusti starts with teachings
about gaining first person insights and perspectives into how to be a just soul through inter-
nal struggle and religious exercise. Plato’s concept provides a second person perspective for
knowing or judging those who may be ‘possessed’ of a just soul; the focus is not on inner
reflection, from the outside inwards, but on detecting the inner state of mind from external
actions.
Interestingly, Plato’s elaboration of the concept of the quality of the soul is implied in
anthropological approaches to knowledge, which tend to look at external empirical reality to
deduce inner values, cultural ideas, beliefs and psychological states of peoples. Plato espe-
cially analyses the characteristic of just and unjust souls through their religious attitudes. The
attitudes of a just soul become embodied in the set of ritual values, which in turn determine
how one recognizes that character as reflecting a just, or an unjust, soul. On the other hand,
manunggaling kawulo gusti presupposes a spiritual mode of being that can produce a character
that has the quality of a just soul without the influence of external human agency. Instead, a
just soul arises through the agency of individual mind on itself, through the exercise of aware-
ness and self-rule.
The use of metaphysical reflection to address social problems is not a popular approach
to development in modern times, although the commonly-used expression in social move-
ment circles ‘be the change you want to see in the world’, which is attributed to Gandhi, does
reflect something of that quality. Also, in the thinking of Thomas Aquinas the same signifi-
cance of theology in the construction of social and political philosophy, can be seen. This
suggests that it is widely considered plausible to connect religious assumption with social and
political behavior of people in society, including in a society heavily influenced by religious
and spiritual value like Indonesia.
The concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti could in theory be an effective tool of esoteric
spiritual learning, to shape personal social and political behavior in the direction of greater
tolerance, democracy and peace. In his famous Summa Theologiae, influenced by Neo-Plato-
nism in his view of the hierarchal cosmology of human beings, Aquinas combines the Chris-
tian cosmological view with a Neo-Platonic cosmological view (Sigmund 2012, 2). In Summa
Theologiae, Aquinas cites the story of Dionysus going into the underworld. He suggests the
idea parallels that of human beings’ journey from the lower worlds of desires into the higher
existence of the gods. In fact, the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti is the product of theo-
logical acculturation between Islam and indigenous Javanese spirituality.
In Summa Theologiae, Aquinas also syncretizes two sets of beliefs - the Christian and the
Neo-Platonic understandings of the relations between physical reality and the realm of the
spiritual, beyond physical reality (Sigmund 2012, 3). Also, in manunggaling kawulo gusti, there is
an elaboration of the concept of tawhid (oneness of God) also found in Islamic theology.
Aquinas was trying to harmonize philosophical and theological thinking in an environment
where Greek literature and art was prominent, and Christianity the chief religion.
2.4 The political economy of religion
Neoliberal ethics have had ambivalent implications for Indonesia’s religious and spiritual
development in recent decades (Gonzales-Vicente 2018, 101). Rationalization processes in
Indonesia do not appear to work as they did in Europe from the early 1900s, with the decline
of organized religions and a growing interest in new forms of spirituality. In North America,
by contrast, religion remains an important factor in the political marketplace and in the neo-
liberal market of ideas. Unlike the rise of atheistic discourses in Europe, and the growing
tendency for total withdrawal from all forms of religious life, mystical thinking and supersti-
tion have not been replaced by science in the West either. In the USA and in other Western
countries, religion and science have instead continued to coexisted, without any apparent
incompatibilities.
Similarly, Indonesian society remains embedded within religious principle, combined
with strong beliefs in superstition and magic. In such a setting, the neoliberal ethics of the
marketplace, which transforms everything, turn religious principles and mystical thinking and
imagination into a currency. By combining forms of entertainment and forms of resource
mobilization, distribution and even modes of recognition, through law, and of redistribution
of resources and participation, religion becomes a core issues of public associational life (Fra-
ser 1998, 1). Religious organisations sell the ‘commodity’ of faith to the common people, and
this market comes to be of interest to oligarchs who use it as an economic and political tool
to control minds, gain power and make profits. We consider this further in Chapter 5.
This process is full of risks for society (as in the US, with the election of Trump).
This is because the neo-liberal mobilizing of religious markets for ‘salvation’ both amplifies
religious orthodoxy, and become a means of wealth creation, reinforcing the distance be-
tween religious traditions and mobilizing ‘followers’ around powerful leaders, who influence
public opinion and even elections. As such a religious ‘market’ develops, and creates greater
intolerance for other religious or spiritual ideas. This can even produce forms of religious
fascism that end up polarizing society in ways that ensure continued control of elites over
the majority. This is the more deceptive and alluring secularization rather than oppressive
approach of total religious banning which is happened in Soviet Lenin and China Mao Gon-
xv
zales-Vicente 2018, 101). Commodification of religious values has to be observed and ana-
lyzed through education, especially in elementary school because it will transform religious
values to mere production of commodity which is contrary to idea of social justice and free-
dom.
2.5 Critical thinking for moral and religious education
In the spirit of reflecting towards unity of existence, Kejawen teaching postulates the im-
portance of critical thinking which is best described in the practice of Shalat Daim or eternal
prayer. Shalat daim is a form of meditative practice that could be done every time and every-
where, also it does not need any kind of ritual posture like Padmasana or lotus position which
is sitting on cross-legged. Shalat daim is a practice of observation and realization of one think-
ing process which tells that the thinker is not distinct from the thinking rather it is intercon-
nected with one another (Shashangka 2014, 261).
The concept of Sholat daim resembles the concept of ‘thinking being’ coined by Martin
Heidegger. He explains that ‘thinking Being does not mean to think ‘‘about’’ Being. Nor does
it mean that the human being is a being that thinks’ (Dahlin 2009, 540). This form of thinking
is believed to be lacking in educational institution (ibid). Heidegger believes that this form of
thinking is the beginning of philosophy which presupposes the calculative thinking and in-
strumental reason (Ibid). This form of thinking promotes the realization of freedom of think-
ing and expression which is often controlled by authoritarian politics.
In social science, critical thinking is imperative to understand the structures of social
institution (Weinstein 1995, 38). Historical and cultural elements of social institution can be
analyzed to uncover the construction of thought and idea (ibid). Education institution in
Indonesia attaches to the framework of Pancasila and the constitution. Those instrument of
law and ethic were emerging from religious and cultural insights through human agency that
has multicultural complexity. Thus, authoritarian tendency to create definitive and absolute
guidelines cannot be realized, considering the nature of knowledge that still on perpetual
construction. This idea strengthens the notion of democracy and challenge the assertion of
dominance. In conclusion, this chapter has shown that Kejawen teachings postulate the exist-
ence of shared identities among human beings, and tend towards seeing similarities across
religious divides rather than differences
2.6 Conclusion
Kejawen teaching promotes inclusive view that shared by great religious traditions. The inclu-
sive view is represented by the concept of unity of existence or manunggaling kawulo gusti. This
view connects the various religious and moral traditions that are contesting in Indonesia,
considering that Indonesia has multicultural society. It leads to long syncretisation process
that inevitably connecting religion and culture. However, current modernisation and global-
isation create more dynamic exchange of ideas, including foreign ideas. Neoliberal perspec-
tive on market of ideas undermines the proliferation of minority view like Kejawen teaching
because of monopoly and inequality of resource. In addition, unawareness of conflicting
ideas in modern Indonesian society does not given adequate attention. Thus, critical thinking
in analysing the history of religious and moral ideas is needed in order to gain clear under-
standing how these ideas were constructed.
Chapter 3: An esoteric perspective on national unity
3.1 Introduction
This chapter briefly discusses the position of Kejawen as an esoteric form of belief, within the
national ideology of Pancasila, which as explained in an earlier chapter was the basis for the
official post-independence ideology of nationalism in Indonesia. This chapter uncovers how
Pancasila has connected philosophy and religion into the Indonesian national framework in a
way that is analogous to the nature of esotericism. In addition, Pancasila carries the doctrine
of “secret of state” or Arcana Imperii which is placing the philosophy of Pancasila as a founda-
tion where all the national political project refers to (Vatter 2015, 183). Every nation inspires
their collective political struggle not only through material ends as well as through spiritual
ends. The latter proves to be effective because it plays with human impulsive emotion. Using
spiritual ends for national political struggle is best portrayed when Soekarno instills the idea
of unity of existence (Manunggaling kawulo gusti) into Pancasila and Indonesian national motto
(Bhineka tunggal ika).
3.2 Background and context of Pancasila
Pancasila was established as a political consensus of the republic which consists various aspi-
ration of Indonesian people. As political consensus, Pancasila also accommodates the meta-
physical and spiritual view of the people. The problem of the existence of humankind, world,
and god are enshrined within the virtue of Pancasila (Harjosatoto 1996, 2). Thus, Pancasila
could be approached from the metaphysical and spiritual point of view, through the principle
of genetivus objectivus which is placed Pancasila as a philosophical object that derives its values
from religious and spiritual tradition that embraced by the people (ibid). Interestingly, Soe-
karno postulates that the first clause of Pancasila which is belief in one god derives from
indigenous value, could it be the philosophical basis of the first clause of Pancasila adopts
Kejawen view on unity of existence? Based from the discussion with Romo Suryo, he believes
that Soekarno is a fervent follower of Kejawen and he understands about the notion of ma-
nunggaling kawulo gusti or unity of existence. Romo Suryo argues that Soekarno always
acknowledge different philosophical tradition of Indonesian people. He tends to syncretize
different world view in the name of national unity. It proven when he coined the term of
Nasakom which is translated as nationalism, religion, and communism. This concept was in-
tended to ease the political contestation in that time when nationalist, religious people, and
communist are contesting in the politics. The connection of Pancasila as political consensus
that carries the doctrine of Arcana Imperii and esoteric teaching of Kejawen is best described
by the argument of Arthur Melzer:
“esotericism in philosophy seems to be the analogon of the arcana imperii in politics, as it is
the analogon of the mysteries in most religions: in all these cases, the secret is in reality the
basis of the claims to rule and to authority on the part of the few (philosophers, statesmen,
priests) over the many.” (cited in Vatter 2015, 183).
Moreover, Pancasila has a significance metaphysical component which deals with form
or ideal which implies its perpetual function to formulate ideal future and actuality which
implies the existence of truth. The actuality of Pancasila refers to the actuality of god which
deemed to be the highest form of reality. Thus, individual or group can utilize Pancasila to
xvii
reflect on current reality and its problems, hence, one can formulate a form or ideal in order
to achieve the actuality, in this case is the actuality of god which is the highest form of reality
(Harjosatoto 1996, 7). Yet, the failure to understand the salience point about the nature of
god or the highest form of reality doom the process to wrong direction. Thus, religious
teaching plays a great deal of importance in understanding the proper religiosity, what means
to be religious and what are the characteristic of religious person. Kejawen teaching could
lends a great deal of lexicon to understand the notion of religious life. Predisposition of its
syncretic and apolitical nature could elevate Kejawen teaching above the problem of division
and exclusiveness.
3.3 Kejawen, state ideology and national development
After Indonesia seized independence in the year 1945, three national figures namely Soe-
karno, Moh. Yamin, and Soepomo formulated a state ideology in the form of a set of philo-
sophical principles known as Pancasila (Mudhofir 1996, 10). This contains five principles
which are (i) belief in one God, (ii) humanitarianism, (iii) national unity, (iv) consensual de-
mocracy, and (v) social justice. Pancasila is considered the constitutional basis of the state,
which means the policies and practices of by the state (the government) should adopt and
refer to the principles contained in Pancasila. Even though Pancasila is considered a national
ideology, the formulation of its principles cannot be separated from the cultural setting in
which it was formulated. That means the national spirits contained in Pancasila which is pre-
sumably adopted by all Indonesians are derived from their own cultural and religious per-
spective. The goal of Pancasila was explicitly to bring together and compile all cultural per-
spectives from numerous ethnic groups in the country and label them as national culture or
kebudayaan nasional (Sastrapratedja 1996, 24).
In the realm of philosophical inquiry, Dr. Sukamto Notonagoro finds that Pancasila is
underpinned by three principles: the cultural principle, the religious principle, and the state
principle. These principles correspond to the formulation of Pancasila and the conceptual
basis of its various clauses. For instance, the cultural principle of musyawarah or public dis-
cussion is enshrined in the fourth clause of Pancasila and later became the model for the
legislative system in Indonesia. Historically, musyawarah is a concept that arises from the ten-
dency of Indonesian society to settle conflicts publicly. In addition, Islamic scholar like Dr.
Nurcholis Madjid have postulated that Pancasila has been “the meeting point” of all the
worldviews of the Indonesian people, including between the religious views of the people
(cited in Hidayatullah 2006, 38). Pancasila is considered to be designed to accommodate the
spiritual nature of religious views to fit into the public realm. The aim was that the spiritual
nature of religion, especially the common unity concerning the desirability of peace, would
contribute to the formulation of social conditioning to form the nation as a whole. As Dr
Sukamto Notonagoro suggests, the spiritual dimension of Pancasila would especially apply to
political life. In his rather abstract understanding of the spirituality of Pancasila, Dr Notona-
goro was trying to expound the view that political life in Indonesia should be exercised in
accordance with human needs. These include cultural and religious needs, involving strong
cultural and religious attachments that are important for developing an individual identity.
However, implementation of Pancasila over the course of Indonesia’s development has
been deemed unsatisfactory. During the years from 1967 to 1985, Soeharto ordered the op-
erationalization of Pancasila in terms of policies and practices (Weatherbee 1985, 133). One
instance of unsatisfactory changes of reiterating the principles of Pancasila was when as Pres-
ident Soeharto used Pancasila to legitimize his authoritarian rule and to silence political op-
position. To oppose his regime was considered tantamount to opposing Pancasila, making
the Soeharto government the sole interpreter of whether a political act could be considered
Pancasialis, or in accordance with Pancasila principles. By 1985, Soeharto set up an indoctri-
nation program around Pancasila democracy and its implementation. This program is required
for junior and senior high school through the Pancasila Moral Education (PMP) (Weatherbee
1985, 134). Soeharto’s effort to make Pancasila into the sole guiding philosophy of post-in-
dependence social and political practices, was filled with controversy, however, and especially
regarding the position of religion and political opposition (Weatherbee 1985: 133).
The issue of multiculturalism, or cultural pluralism, has to be taken seriously, because
movement of ideas leads to reconstruction of ideas. Modern Indonesia suffers from confu-
sion around how to reconstructs and reformulate ideas of public, private and national mo-
rality. Indonesia’s religious beliefs emerged from the various moral and spiritual traditions of
the world (ter Haar 2009, 10). Ironically, for a society as religious as Indonesia, the anti-
colonial mindset that challenged western traditions also introduced the idea of the nation
state, as the basis of Indonesian constitutional and secular values (Sudarsono 0AD, 1). On
the other hand, people in Indonesia had strong religious and cultural values that would prove
resistant to secular nationalism.
In subtle ways, Kejawen teachings have contributed to the formulation of ideal society
through practice and custom. However, Kejawen teachings cannot simply be equated with
Javanese culture. It is a misunderstanding to think that Kejawen teaching belongs to Javanese
people. From my own my interpretation, Kejawen deals with human problems, especially,
psychological problem. It advocates inner healing, how to deal with inner conflict so a person
who practices Kejawen would not manifest conflict in society (Chakim 2007, 262). Like other
religion which originated from particular geographical region. The problem with Kejawen’s
inclusivity is where it came from as many labelled religions and philosophies. It might seem
strange to see Western people adopt Kejawen teachings, yet, it is quite normal to see Javanese
people adopt Kejawen. However, many Western figures like Sigmund Freud, Carl Jung, Alan
Watts, and current popular spiritual guru Eckhart Tolle derived some part of their teachings
from eastern spirituality. Thus, by implication, Kejawen is inclusive and can also be studied by
all human beings regardless of their personal or national backgrounds. In addition, the con-
text of Kejawen teaching can be found in other religion but with different elaborations, re-
flecting its syncretic nature (Susilo 2016, 162).
3.4 Interpretation of Pancasila
Pancasila as philosophical system and state ideology becomes the academic and political entry
point to insert Kejawen teaching into Indonesian political and social consensus (Sudharmono
1995, 1). It is possible to re-interpret Pancasila because its nature is dynamic and perpetual
(Naim 2015, 3). Pancasila is not a mere state ideology, but it is an ideology of process in
achieving people freedom (Pranarka 1996, 20). Thus, any modification or development is
possible to be realized. From its creation, Pancasila has been an ideology of the people which
means its legitimacy depends on sovereignty of the people (Soeprapto 2013, 107). Thus,
people must involve in interpreting Pancasila in order to achieve freedom and welfare which
is also the foundation of democracy.
The difference perspective of general welfare, education, order, peace, and social justice
as well as its implementation between nationalist and Kejawen teaching are becoming debata-
ble discourse. The discourses have not been mediated properly because the innate nature of
xix
nation state is forcing different beliefs and cultures to merge under the rule of state. Like all
former colonized nation, Indonesia does not have other option to bind its vast territory.
Predisposition of nation state to merge different identity into one rule is problematic, it could
also perceive as an illusion. Because the failure to uphold justice caused by unequal relation
whether it is social, political, and economic would be a threat to ruler legitimacy. Whatever
form of state and government one has, it does not really matter, Because the real problem is
always the failure to establish peace and justice which leads to division. Unaddressed division
will inevitably bring instability as well as violence.
Modernity and the weltanschauung, or worldview, of neoliberalism can be translated into
the methodology of benchmarking national country-by-country achievements. A state
deemed ‘successful’ or ‘developed’ is always so considered because of the accumulation of
wealth, total production, advancement of technology, and because of so called political sta-
bility and democracy. These kinds of benchmark can obstruct recognition of the rights of
minorities, however (Sudjito et al 2018, 70). National growth and international rank can be-
come political tools to deceive people into believing that their country is on the right track
and is making ‘great strides’ forward. Politicians find that their legitimacy can depend on how
their record in economic growth, employment and material progress, is perceived. This en-
courages them to produce the desired economic and material results, rather than to focus on
their own responsibility as state agents, to emancipate minorities and those who are disad-
vantaged from discrimination and suffering.
This way of thinking serves different political purposes. It has also shifted a state that
claimed to be grounded in morally good attributes, a state whose core principle was to protect
the dignity of the person, into different trajectories. The first clause of Pancasila has lost its
meaning, as the notion of “believing in one god” as the clause says has been twisted away
from its previous, inclusive meaning. For political convenience, the politics of religion has
moved towards a strict monotheistic view of god, under the influence of ultra-Conservative
Islamic group like forum pembela Islam. They believe that the first clause of Pancasila is derived
from the concept of Tawhid or the oneness of god, which departs from all notions of diverse
manifestations of God in other forms of religion. Thus, Pancasila is now deemed to be in-
spired solely with reference to the Holy Quran (Sudjito et. al 2018, 71). Consequently, this
gives the impression that Islam has higher legitimacy than all other religions, in forming the
Indonesian nation.
The discussion about this clause is often limited to freedom of belief and worship, and
usually becomes a topic of debate around the organized religions as established and author-
ized places of worship. Hardly ever is the important notion of living religiously alongside
various faith-based communities, discussed or elaborated on. Unmanaged modernity has be-
come a factor that is contributing to the devastation of national, cultural, and religious iden-
tities across different parts of Indonesia. Those identities are still needed to distinguish a
nation from its colonial roots, albeit, in holistic spiritual perspective like Kejawen there is ulti-
mately no such thing as different, mutually exclusive or essentialized identities. In actuality,
a nation needs those identities to contemplate whether their way of life is right or wrong
according to the goals and the visions that they have established. Colonial ways of thinking
are still prevalent in Indonesian society because of people’s dependency on foreign culture
and religious values, whether secular or in the form of organized religion. Indonesian people
are not yet ready to embrace their own national identity fully, in part because the colonial
mindset is perpetuated by the educational system, both the western-oriented elements, and
the more Islamic teachings. Students from elementary school to high school are merely
trained to memorize Pancasila which is relatively easy (Mudhofir 1996, 11). However, the
interpretation of Pancasila, and how it became the key Indonesian national ideology in the
first place, and what lies behind it philosophically.
3.5 Conclusion
Pancasila reflects the attributes of unity of existence which are inclusive, dynamic and perpet-
ual. It postulates the struggle to unite regardless the social and political differences in society.
The founding fathers like Soekarno, Moh. Yamin, and Soepomo foresees the multicultural
reality of Indonesian people that naturally hostile to each other if there is not understanding
about the common ground that presupposes the contesting values. Esoteric view of Kejawen
teaching is actually influence the basis of Pancasila which today is still become the chief con-
cept to determine the next political project of Indonesia.
xxi
Chapter 4: Kejawen Teachings in Educational
Institutions
4.1 Introduction
Until today, Kejawen teachings remain largely informal, and are not explicitly mentioned in
school curricula, most media or in moral philosophy, whether inside Indonesia or outside.
This absence is especially significant in the context of primary and secondary education
which is meant to be the cornerstone of national development. Thus, for children to have
access and familiarity towards Kejawen teachings, this would require a formal place in the
curriculum of schools, for these teachings. This chapter discusses author recommendations
for formal educational institution in Indonesia to develop moral and religious education that
has esoteric perspective not only exoteric through the pedagogical technique of critical think-
ing. This esoteric paradigm believes to develop the understanding of pluralism and syncre-
tism within Indonesian plural society (Kuswanjono 2006, 77).
This in turn would require, first and foremost, Kejawen to be recognized by the state as a
religion, and consequently, for Kejawen teachers to benefit from the distribution of resources
for education. Kejawen teachings provided for children in schools today are not part of the
formal curriculum, so today there is neither recognition nor resources for such beliefs to be
taught or disseminated formally. This problem is very much in line with what Nancy Fraser
suggests are the principles of resources, recognition and participation; all three elements are
needed, and each implies to some extent the other (Fraser 1998, 6).
4.2 PKN and Kejawen in civic education
Moral and religious education in school (both state and private) is conveyed in two subjects
namely civic education (pendidikan Pancasila dan kewarganegaraan/ PKN) and religious educa-
tion (pendidikan agama). Those two subjects are not necessarily the same, albeit, they are con-
taining similar purpose and content. The purpose is to familiarize student in how they per-
ceive what is good which is a deed and attribute that should be conducted and what is bad
which is a deed and attribute that is should be avoided. However, the content of both subject
derived from quite distant sources which are the constitution (law of rights) that based from
Kantian perspective of perpetual peace and religious texts. (Ibda 2012, 339).
PKN derives its sources from constitutional law which is borrowing the liberal ideolog-
ical framework of United Nation as a new nation state emerging from the aftermath of World
War II. This secular perspective of norm and ethic contributes huge portion of the formula-
tion of PKN curriculum. However, there is incongruency from the historical-ideological
teaching of PKN as the author experienced when he was learning PKN in high school. The
teacher and the textbook do not explain the root of what nationalism we have today (Maftuh
2008, 137). Many students are confused about whether the moral framework is secular or
religious. Within the household, Indonesians are still using religious perspective of looking
at norm. yet, the constitution is actually very secular in nature, but religious mindset of the
people fails to realize that they live in a society binds by secular ideology.
PKN derives its sources from universal rather undebatable attribute of noble individual
which is reflected from Pancasila. Attributes like compassion, politeness, empathy, sympathy,
bravery, commitment, dedication, and justice. It implies nationalistic spirit that acquired
based on the story of revolutionary war and independence (Hidayah 2018, 71).
On other hand, Pendidikan agama derives its sources from respective theologies depend
on the religion of the student. Unlike PKN, Pendidikan agama naturally includes reflection on
how the morality is constructed. It is because theology always gives transcendental view of
nature. Thus, it makes this subject more appealing and stimulate student to perceive morality
beyond the facts. In addition, religion offers romantic perspective which serve as a reward
from doing what it thinks is good.
Although nowadays, Pendidikan agama has been tainted because of the rise of radical
group which is quite rampant in Indonesia. These radical groups advocate polarization which
is contrary to the idea of unity of existence that the author has mentioned in chapter two of
this paper. Politically geared religious radicalism has turned the true religious meaning which
is inclusive into polarization. Pendidikan agama should not be politicized because it meant to
be an education which is sensitive to peace-making (Ridwan 2013, 173).
Pancasila is recognized as a priori of public policy formulation. Therefore, the formulation
of educational curriculum in general has to deduct its principle from Pancasila. Education
practice must be done by negotiation and dialectical manner not by hegemony of ideas (Rid-
wan 2013, 176). In addition, Pancasila does not allow indoctrination in educational system.
4.3 Promising Developments in Elementary Schools
There has been some major development in Cilacap and Yogyakarta. Religious class based
on Kejawen has been introduced and established. There are fifty students joining in this
Kejawen class in Cilacap and seven students joining in Yogyakarta. Muslam Hadiwiguna Pu-
tra a cultural practitioner or Budayawan in Cilacap has been appointed as teacher in this subject
(Rachmawati 2020). However, the subject is called Pendidikan untuk penghayat kepercayaan
which is translated as religious education for indigenous believe.
This naming preference exists because the implication of constitutional court ruling in
2017 that generalize indigenous beliefs and followers to one integrated term which is pengha-
yat kepercayaan. The author argues that to recognize a concept, idea, or group of people needs
to explicitly mention the exact term preferred by those who follow. Kejawen should be called
Kejawen to give sense of recognition towards its follower and it should also apply to other
indigenous beliefs that exist in Indonesia. Moreover, there is a problem regarding to admin-
istrative infrastructure of this subject. Muslam is not receiving salary from the government
because he is not a government employee, he is only recognized as a volunteer. Thus, there
are still inequality of access on resource which very apparent if we compare Kejawen teaching
with other main religions.
The inequality remains because the government is rarely recognizing and focusing on
the local wisdom (kearifan lokal) in formulating the design of local development. The local
development must include the existing attributes and elements in the society. The govern-
ment should make the marketplace of commodities and ideas in favor of the local. the de-
velopment that heavily relied on economic development must be shifted to development
which focuses more on human development. The case mentioned above is an example of
positive development that is very late. But it is quintessential to the development that focus
on marketplace of ideas. Local development that exclude local perspective on how they per-
ceive and understand development would make the policy impotent. It best portrayed when
the regime of Soeharto (Orde Baru) handles local development that was relying on profit
(Asrom 2007, 205). There was cultural domination from modern and urban people over
xxiii
traditional and rural people. Besides, uneven economic development between urban and ru-
ral areas is creating a social gap which makes the rural people feels inferior towards urban
people.
4.4 The benefit of spiritual teaching on youth mental health
In recent years, some psychotherapists have found promising evidence of the importance of
spiritual identity in relation to the mental health of a person (Poll & Smith 2012, 129). A
sense of spiritual identity, often represented as the sense of a connection between the person
and god, proves to be effective in restoring and recuperating from mental health problems.
This research also explains that healthy identity and sense of connection with the spiritual
world can help prolong lifespan and may lower chances of succumbing to depression.
That is resonant with the quintessential tenets of Kejawen teachings, which speak of
the importance of certainty as well as doubt in one inner life. A person should have doubt
when it comes to questioning their existence and their connection to god. On the other hand
they should not doubt everything because this endangers their sense of self; there should be
an inner sense of certainty that comes from a sense of oneness and which in turn can avoid
that excessive doubts, including self-doubts, and questioning the existence of God, can cause
harm to one’s mental health.
William James introduces the development of the spiritual self-theory in which he
explains that every individual has two aspects of the self which are the “I” and the “me”.
The “me” consists of material “me”, social “me”, and spiritual “me”. The material “me”
consists of one body, looks, and possessions. The social “me” implies how one is seen and
responded to by other people, or another person. The spiritual “me” describes one’s internal
thinking processes, reflections, and contemplation. The conscious “I” projects various im-
ages of “me” and connects various aspects of “me” to create one whole identity as a person.
However, William James argues that spiritual “me” is the permanent component that
“I” needs to seek for integration, because it has an intimate and metaphysical relationship in
how the “I” perceives its own existence. The other “me” aspects are not permanent, since
death exists, and possessions vanish, so the significance of material “me” and social “me”
diminishes. However, spiritual “me” can persist, well into old age, and even beyond death.
Thus, in James’ approach the spiritual “me” is recognized as the core of one actualization of
existence. The spiritual “me” can be described psychologically and physiologically, however
in theistic terms it is also possible to describe it metaphysically (Poll & Smith 2012, 130). It
is akin to the concept to soul in the discussion so far.
4.5 In defence of informality
In Kejawen, as in many other spiritual teachings, the existence of moral and ethical value is
located within the individual. It is aligned with the teaching of Kejawen which place internal
or psychological development on personal level. The term of guru sejati or the true teacher
implies individual to seek truth within themselves before following or asking any religious
leader about the notion of reality and challenges one faces in their life. Kejawen teacher gives
full authority to its disciples in order to process their own thought, feeling, and intuition, this
concept is called olah rasa. Olah rasa can only be achieved when there is freedom of the indi-
viduals who are doing it, otherwise, one cannot fully reflect and observe his/her life com-
plexity thoroughly and independently. Moreover, olah rasa correlates with critical thinking
which dare to question any facts that happened in one own life and society with utmost
freedom. The author suggests that educational institution to gradually begin tearing any of
the components that become the obstacles in achieving academic freedom. The predisposi-
tion of being afraid that freedom of thought could destroy moral order should be vanquished
and faced with reasonable approach (Maftuh 2008, 135).
I argue that the development of moral and religious teaching in formal institution is
stagnantly slow and rather not having any fundamental change. It is barely discussing any so
called abstract or unusual subjects like human suffering, nature of desire, nature of violent,
esoteric interpretation of scriptures, religious syncretism, cultural pluralism, etc. It is only
confined in simple and banal subjects like free sex, brawl, stealing, bullying, and other teenage
misdemeanors. I do not say that those things are not important but these kind of “politically
correct” subjects of discussion are antithetical to significance development which is desper-
ately needed in the actuality of complex society. Most importantly, the sense of self authority
as a method to develop one psychological development is paramount. PPKN derives its mode
of teaching from the religious and cultural identity of the nation. In fact, eastern religious
tradition encourages doubt to examine reality, it is in contrast with western religious tradition
that substitutes doubt with faith. Kejawen teaching also encourages doubt as an important
component to understand reality and unveiling illusion. In addition, doubt is an attribute of
inquisitive person which also linked to the critical approach of thinking. Generally, the prin-
ciple of doubt and inquisitive quality encouraged by Kejawen not necessarily need to be insti-
tutionalized. However, because of inequal power relation which historically almost always in
the hand of political regime which predominantly anti critics, Kejawen teaching has become
the idea of minority and perceived as an artifact of past culture rather than sophisticated
religious and spiritual legacy (Lubis 2019, 271).
Conservatism of education has been the scourge of minority groups including Kejawen
follower. It is quite an interesting phenomenon that Javanese as an ethnic group is the dom-
inant ethnic-political group in Indonesia, especially in Yogyakarta. However, the Javanese
seems to be marginalized in their religious culture. Uncritical implementation of syncretism
gradually erodes the authentic Javanese religious and spiritual values (ibid). Religious empires
like Majapahit which has Hindu and Buddhist influence and later sultanate of Yogyakarta
which has Islamic influence has put Kejawen teaching on bargaining situation. Thus, uncritical
implementation of syncretism could erase some of the contents from the parties that have
less power. In this case, Kejawen puts its teaching on the pedestal of bigger religious idea of
organized religions. This kind of implication also occurs when Indonesia obtained its inde-
pendence. Hegemony of nationalist ideas which reflected in Pancasila is also the product of
syncretism between nationalism, socialism, communism, Islamism, and indigenous beliefs.
4.6 Critical pedagogy
The method of critical pedagogy can elevate Kejawen teaching into the surface of mainstream
education. Critical pedagogy could transform deeply politicized school into educational insti-
tution that has justice and liberation orientation. As the author mentioned earlier, freedom
is the fundamental principle of democratic society which rest its sovereignty on the people.
Thus, freedom in education should be endeavored to stimulate student awareness in perceiv-
ing social reality. Critical pedagogy has been used by Marxist, Frankfurt school of thought,
xxv
and Feminist to advocate minority rights. It can also tackle the hegemony of political econ-
omy by focusing education towards the complexity of human problems which is obviously
not only limited to economic (Ahmad 2016, 96).
Elementary education which consist of primary school (sekolah dasar), middle school
(sekolah menengah pertama), and senior high school (sekolah menengah akhir) are the proper insti-
tutions to have a critical approach to religious pedagogy (Ahmad 2016, 129). It is because
those institutions have greater access and reach across society than universities, for instance,
which educate only the children of the elite, for the most part. Thus, people from diverse
economic background can enjoy high quality education without paying a lot of money. Also,
involving teacher from minority group like in the story of Mr. Muslam is one of the com-
mendable progress in promoting indigenous narrative. Although, the government should
notice the lack of proper salary for teachers. One of the major inequalities that become main
problem of Indonesian education is about the amount of salary. There are two types of
teacher, one is state official teacher (guru PNS) which receive salary around two million to
five million rupiah according to education level, for instance teacher that has high school
diploma would get three million rupiah while teacher that has bachelor degree would get four
million rupiah per month. However, there is honorary teacher (guru honorer) which does
not get much salary. They only get fifty thousand rupiah to two hundred thousand rupiah
per month. That salary cannot even cover daily expenses let alone monthly expenses. That
is inhumane treatment given to the most vital profession in a country.
4.7 Conclusion
In conclusion, in this chapter we have seen that a lesson in class is naturally framed to a
particular curriculum, a syllabus, and the limited time for discussion, as well as students’
capacity to understand the subject matter, as well as being tailored to the different ethnic
origins of students. Not all students in Yogyakarta are Javanese, of course, and the children
in one class are likely to come originally, or their parents will come, from many different
ethnic and even religious backgrounds, even if the vast majority will consider themselves
Muslims. To insert Kejawen teaching into the classroom will encounter obstacles that go be-
yond non-recognition from the government or a hostile attitude from religious groups with
a strong social media presence. Obstacles also arise from the school pupils who are psycho-
logically conditioned by their home life and previous education, inside and outside the class-
room, to adhere to particular ideas, and consider other kinds of practices not worth of re-
spect. Thus, such esoteric and spiritual subject matter is perhaps best introduced to children
and in classes in informal ways, rather than being formalized and placed in the curriculum
where it may cause open contention. The very first thing to be recognized is that Kejawen
teaching is not an exclusive religious teaching for Javanese people but it is actually a philos-
ophy to human psychological freedom.
Chapter 5: Commodification: Religion and Esoteric
Kejawen Knowledge
5.1 Introduction
Religion as a system of conduct influences the economic behavior of its subject which later
relate to the degree of individual consumption. Spiritual values often commodified to
strengthen the sense of belonging (as later will be explained in this chapter) between individ-
uals that have claim to embrace those values. For instances, Kejawen aestheticism encourages
to live meekly and humbly which means less consumption (Tietje 2019, 705). On the other
hand, pro-economic growth faith like Protestantism encourages accumulation of wealth for
the purpose of greater good (Koehler 2019, 447). Those examples portray how religious
principle influences the economic behavior of believer. This chapter explains how transcen-
dental spirit of religious economy affects the social order and how the politicians and social
elites in Indonesia use this instrument to reinforce their political struggle.
5.2 The rise of religious neo-liberalism
Discussing such esoteric religious groupings is made even more difficult since some adher-
ents do not use their ‘brand’ name, not binding themselves specifically to the named tradition
of spiritual teachings. For instance, most Kejawen followers do not label themselves as Ke-
jawen practitioners, but borrowing common religious identities like Islam, to describe their
religious beliefs. One reason for the loose allegiance of adherents to the label is precisely the
open, tolerant message of most such esoteric spiritual beliefs and traditions, which are syn-
cretic nature. Its influence still lingers through the construction of idea, but its own discourse
rarely given adequate attention, thus it borrows another discourse to survive. This scenario
is happened to Kejawen teaching for millennia. Kejawen as a way of looking at things through
the lens of a Javanese cultural perspective, reflective perhaps of people who managed to
survive the hegemony of many successive religious empires one after the other, from Bud-
dhism and Hinduism, to versions of Christianity and Islam. In modern times, with globali-
zation and the neo-liberal logic of the market, branding and followers, the scenario that is
developing is more complex because of the strong element of internationalism that promotes
a neoliberal ethic based on gaining power and profit through religious scams and manipula-
tion of the market in belief (Gonzales-Vicente 2018, 102). This is not so different from
nationalist approaches to religious organisations, which uses the strongest and most domi-
nant beliefs to gain adherence to nationalist values. Later political parties use religious intol-
erance to mobilise supporters and gain electoral victory.
The rise of literalist interpretations of religious principles based on holy texts can also
be seen as intertwined with the hegemony of neoliberal worldviews and radical secularization
through mass media and mass markets. The hegemony of construction and reconstruction
of religious principles by elites can be linked to the theory of the difference between dynamic
and static forms of religious belief. Henri Bergson in his book The Two Sources of Morality and
Religion, describes how morality and religion develop along two different lines (Lenoir 2003).
He said that:
“The static religion was connected to dogma, morality and ritual. It was intended for the gen-
eral congregation. The dynamic religion was to be found in mysticism” (Lenoir 2003).
xxvii
By implication, the dynamic religion was for elites, and those who wanted to go ‘deeper’,
not necessarily deeper into theology or texts, but into a speculative philosophy of faith. Berg-
son defined religion as dynamic if it imposes creative emotions and freedom either collec-
tively or individually as a precursor to formulating or reformulating norms in relation with
religious principles. A dynamic approach to religious belief, for Bergson is manifested, or
made visible, in the way communication takes place among members around constructing
their shared ideal. Dynamic religion is linked with the open morality theorem, which includes
everyone and aims at peace. A dynamic approach also reflects principles of universality and
oneness (Harjosatoto 1996, 8). Open morality, where religion is viewed as something dy-
namic, postulates creation not causal representation, so that adherents of that faith or religion
are seen as possessing creative emotions. From this perspective, the self or the soul has sov-
ereignty over what it perceives and is not merely passively programed from the outset
through causal connections. Therefore, the emotion comes first and then creates represen-
tations which in turn represent those emotion.
This approach has been used by Emha Ainun Nadjib (also called Cak Nun). He is an
Indonesian poet with a background in Sufism and Kejawen (Tirto.id 2020). In his commune
(pengajian), Cak Nun employs critical thinking in the form of discussion, unlike traditional
Islamic sermon that only require the Imam to speak. Cak Nun approach involves the audi-
ence giving their opinions and asking questions, as well as making suggestions. Also, the
topic Cak Nun chooses is not usually based on a single text in the Quran, but is philosophical
or esoteric, a form of moral philosophy. This raises questions that are not tied too closely to
specific texts and scriptures. In the interests of making religious principles personal for his
audience, Cak Nun does not seek to convince his audience of the ‘truth’ by repeating what
the Imam has said. Instead, the message is to “think for yourself”. This especially appeals to
younger people, such as university students, as well as lecturers and those in education and
the caring professions. Because of how he preaches, and because his focus is on questioning
rather than clear, direct messages, Cak Nun is often harshly criticized by right-wing Moslems
for breaking with contemporary orthodoxy about how to preach and what to teach true
believers (Kurtz 1983, 1085)
However, religion becomes static and stale if it does not allow for any bottom-up inter-
pretation. It imposes obedience and order. In practice, modification and alteration rest on
the hand of religious elites (Kurtz 1983, 1091). The result in almost every religion on the
planet is to reinforce the tendency to create some kind of permanent religious aristocracy.
This religious elite is rarely questioned about what they claim, or how the principles are re-
flected in their way of working. They are assumed to be worthy to interpret the principles in
some way that cannot easily be questioned. This may reinforce group cohesion and
strengthen solidarity among members. It can also lead to rejection, however, of those who
ask questions or doubt the given interpretations. Anyone who contests or rejects the leader’s
interpretation may well find themselves excluded or accused of heresy. The only influences
that are welcomed in the group come from within the cognate group, where dissimilarities
are judged undesirable and invalidated.
Indonesian populist-religious scholars from well-known religious organization and al-
leged Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) descendants, the latter known as Habib, tend
to take advantage of this unquestioning approach to religion. It focuses on legal-literal inter-
pretation of scripture with rigid norm and positivist tradition. The concept of learning from
dogma and tradition encloses individual freedom of interpretation on the scripture. the legit-
imacy is determined by position whether academic, political, economic, and even inherited
or by blood. Thus, the distribution of power is mostly channeled to one side. The Nie-
tzschean concept of the nobles as the few and the bad is in many ways comparable with the
self-serving practice of static religion in Indonesia today. Political Islam has become an ef-
fective tool to control the moral construction of the masses (Myhill 2010, 21).The actors
employ this static approach of religion or the political Islam are not necessarily operating in
the framework of state politics like executive and legislative branch of government, these
actors create complex discourse that supposedly serve the idea, but actually they are serving
handful of elites for their accumulation of power and profit (Persico 2017, 108). This proven
with the publication of support from several famous ulama or Islamic scholars toward presi-
dential candidate. In 2019, Abdul Somad expresses his support toward Prabowo Subianto,
he believes that he dreamt about Prabowo’s victory in the last election, yet it turns out false
(Kholid 2019)
Moreover, Indonesian national motto indicates the concept of dynamic religion and
open morality. It implies different ways to pursue truth and suggest that to achieve the truth
is not necessarily done by following a singular path. Other paths besides one’s own can also
lead to truth. The motto reiterates and matches the pluralistic actuality of Indonesian society,
where a syncretic approach to religious belief is less likely to generate conflict or violence
than strong adherence to literal and book-based monotheism. The author wants to explain
how the consistency in analyzing nation’s philosophy is imperative to construct the reality.
The solution of given society problem. This can be seen in the following translation of
Bhinneka Tunggal Ika which is the national motto of Indonesia that adopt the concept of unity
in diversity:
“It is said that the well-known Buddha and Shiva are two different substances. They are indeed
different, yet how is it possible to recognize their difference in a glance, since the truth of Jina
(Buddha) and the truth of Shiva is one. They are indeed different, but they are of the same
kind, as there is no duality in Truth” (reference needed).
The author uses nationalist approach in promoting Kejawen teaching is not merely in-
tended to make the teaching political, but rather to protect and preserve this indigenous
belief which has been shunned and abandoned (Kuipers & Askuri 2017, 2). The author does
not try to promote different theoretical and ideological framework from the one that the
nation adopts. It is best to safe the debates and the arguments on how to repel corruption
and violence rather to debate and argue over which ideal is the best. Luckily, Pancasila as an
open ideology (ideologi terbuka) acknowledges difference and pluralistic character of society.
Thus, any ideals that are promoting social justice and freedom ought to be allowed, preserved
and encouraged among Indonesian citizens.
The nation state relies on government and law and order. Thus, it is best to obtain
legitimacy and protection from the main setting of the state. The author argues that it is best
not to think from an anti-state perspective because Indonesia already has de jure self-rule
through independence from the Dutch. Even so, post-colonial corruption and colonial way
of thinking are still there, thus the deconstruction and reinterpretation of principles and cus-
toms which are not oriented to social justice is needed (Maftuh 2008, 134). In addition,
Kejawen teaching needs the state and government to ensure its survival through this neolib-
eral time when the politicians are always talking in term of profit and foreign investment and
economical resources become heavily monopolized. In addition, distribution of state budget
is only given in term of cultural preservation not development and participation. It means
that the term “cultural” is perceived as model of antiquity not as objective values that can
contribute to the development of society. That is why there has been no changes or reform
in education related to cultural development. There is inequality of recognition between Ja-
vanese culture (as in art and music) and Kejawen teaching. The state and the government
xxix
have exuberant predisposition to promote Javanese culture just for the show and entertain-
ment, but never really recognize the ideal behind the culture.
Ideological market in Indonesia resembles a warfront. Political and religious leaders
(even entrepreneurs) are competing to make their ideal sit on the top of power structure,
albeit they did not realize that local wisdom and indigenous believe are losing its vigor and
doomed to cast out from existence because of their negligence and reckless political practice
(Fealy & White 2008, 29).
The author argues that the problem of human suffering and societal decadence is not
merely rest upon the form of government rather it is based on rampant corruption that hap-
pened in one country (Henderson & Kuncoro 2004). Therefore, observation and contem-
plation in regard with religious values are important element to know how to transform in-
dividuals and society. In Indonesia let alone in Yogyakarta which happens to be this paper
research locus, the discussion of religious values is steered by the market system which derive
its principle from capitalist point of view. Majority of religious school of thought dominates
the discourse with the help of prominent financial power which owns most of administrative,
political, educational, media, and philanthropy institutions (Fealy & White 2008, 25). This
kind of situation makes unhindered bias and dishonesty in discussing religious values. Thus,
to settle this problem, it requires equal power distribution between each school of religious
thoughts, and it should be conducted with the spirit of plurality and inclusiveness to avoid
the sentiment between them. Only with this kind of arrangement we can expect healthy de-
velopment on this matter.
Political economy contributes massively in the matter of production and dissemination
of ideas. An idea is produced and disseminated not merely because it is beneficial for the
people but because it generates income and economical value. Free market dictates the he-
gemony of certain ideas. This resembles the theorem proposed by John Locke as quoted as
“The search for religious truth is best advanced by such a marketplace in religious ideas” (Mack 2012, 12).
However, this underlying principle is not suitable in Indonesia which still ruled by capitalistic
mentality. Because the commercialization of religion would insist the producer to focus in
generating income instead to focus on social problem, in this case is the education business.
Religious private schools are spreading across Indonesia, especially in urban area of Java
Island. It is hard not to suggest that religious private school is a business model which em-
phasize the marketing element to entice consumer impulses on product that has religious
theme.
The huge gap of education cost between state school and religious private school in-
duces question what is the motive in procuring this religious education service. Al-Izhar
Pondok Labu, a famous Islamic private school located in South Jakarta costs thirty-five mil-
lion rupiah for just the admission fee, plus two million rupiah for the monthly fees. Also,
Sekolah Pelita Harapan Kemang Village, a Catholic school chain owned by leading Indone-
sian businessman James Riyadi costs twenty-one million rupiah for the admission fee and
sixth point twenty-five million rupiah for the monthly fees. It is a massive price gap if we
compare to state school fees which consist of five hundred thousand rupiah for the admis-
sion fee and one hundred thousand rupiah for monthly fees. Yet, many upper-middle class
parents prefer to enroll their child to modern-religious school. Is it about the quality of edu-
cation or is it because the religious theme that makes the parents feel secure about their
children religiosity?
Does the consumption of religious education service is driven by emotional or rational
consumption? The author himself went to one of the private religious school listed above
(Al-Izhar Pondok Labu), most of his relatives (brother, cousins, nephews, and nieces) went
to the same school as well. The most common reasons why the parents enroll their children
to that school are because they expect intensive religious education which cannot be obtained
in state school, thus the children will get comprehensive understanding about theology as
well as religious law, this reason is still debatable whether private religious school imposes
more intensive learning in theology and religious law than state school which also provides
religious subject for fair amount of learning duration.
Moreover, they want their children to carry Islamic values throughout their life, thus he
or she would not easily be influenced by foreign ideas and thoughts. The parents feel that
they should still uphold the traditional values, namely traditional Islamic values, in order to
buffer themselves against the destructive aspects of the modern, liberal world, such as diso-
bedience, and rudeness towards parents, as well as immoral sexual conduct and use of drugs
and alcohol. However, in term of religious appearance and fashion symbol like wearing hijab
and overall Islamic way of dressing, for instance not wearing any tight shirt and trouser for
girls are not imposed in Al-Izhar Pondok Labu. When the author was studying there, only
two girls wear hijab among one hundred forty students. This is unlike other, more conserva-
tive Islamic schools that require female students to wear hijab in their school territory. It is
not necessary that Al-Izhar Pondok Labu does not uphold Islamic values just looking to one
indicator which not obliging female student to wear hijab but the uncertainty of parent’s
expectation to make their children “more Islamic” by admitting their children to private Is-
lamic school is questionable and having tendency of emotional consumption based on reli-
gious labeled products. Thus, the school is likely to be perceived by people outside the school
community as expensive modern school rather than legit Islamic school that produces Mus-
lim intellectual which normally adhere to Islamic norm and ethic.
Other reason that indicates the emotional tendency in consuming religious labelled
products is the parent inconsistency in controlling their children religious orientation. Based
on author observation from his school colleagues. Most of the parents do not mind that their
children are pursuing lifestyle, career, and business activities which are not align with Islamic
values. For instance, there is one of author colleague that owned liquor bar, also there is one
of author school senior who is transgender. Thus, there is contradiction towards the general
motives why the parents are admitting their children to expensive religious private school. It
might be that the motive is complex and divergent, or is it because the sense of security lies
behind the Islamic label (Fealy & White 2008, 21)?
Also, there is other reason from testimony of the parent which is the actual quality of
the school as well as its infrastructure. However, the term Islamic school is still subjected to
main consideration. Thus, there is an ambivalent respond to what is the strongest motive in
admitting their children to Islamic school. But, the most significant pattern which is driving
these parents is the Islamic label that attached to the school (ibid).
This blurry expectation of the parents and security based on religious label are suscepti-
ble to the predatory practice of capitalistic mindset. This practice would result to popular
market framing which hinder the critical examination of values outside market narrative. In
media studies, popular narrative obstructs and shifts the attention of audience from another
narrative that might be imperative to social justice. In addition, economic incentive is an
effective tool to retain the status quo by compelling the producer to submit to consumer trend
in order to get more profit. However, the producer could also modify and alter the trend and
preference but not to change it radically. Thus, the cycle is still circulating within the market
framework, it cannot turn to different direction that has no economic value (ibid).
According to marketing mechanism and ethics, producer as major player in commer-
cialization should give transparency and goodwill about the product to the traders (if any)
xxxi
and consumer. Thus, the trader and the consumer are also involving in decision making
process. In Al-Izhar Pondok Labu case, there is a council for student parent which func-
tioned as school watchdog. The council is intended to file a petition or complaint when there
is a problem regarding the teacher conduct or in very rare case about the learning materials.
However, the commercialization of education happens outside institution. It is very subtle
mechanism, which is conditioning the psychology of consumer, thus it cannot be explained
only through the perspective of consumer but also the producer and other stakeholders that
the consumer may not know. It is not only the problem of shunning minority narrative like
Kejawen, but it is also about the access of good quality education for all Indonesian. Only
few state schools that have good reputation and infrastructure, the rest cannot compete with
private school that has more advance management and infrastructure.
Recognition cannot effectively implemented without the distribution of resource. Ke-
jawen teaching has been recognized by the state yet the distribution of resource still hampered
by the predatory practice of capitalist and neoliberal economy. It is impossible to tackle ine-
quality with the intention to obtain profit. It should be done with the spirit of altruism. Thus,
the state should intervene in distributing the resource evenly. What the author means by
resource is education resource. It consists of establishment of indigenous faith subject (mata
pelajaran agama untuk penghayat kepercayaan) in all level of elementary school, along with the
teaching apparatus and comprehensive curriculum on the subject. Kejawen and other indig-
enous faith should be accessible for all indigenous student. There will be political obstacle
caused by this implementation, thus the government must mitigate the inequal interest of
opposing groups. Because historically indigenous people never had formal education about
their faith before the case of Mr. Muslam in Cilacap. Also, total reform in education with
critical pedagogy orientation is needed to ensure the academic freedom and minority narra-
tive (Ahmad 2016, 96).
5.3 Conclusion
Neoliberal attitudes in the marketplace of ideas should be controlled, in a sense that minority
knowledge has to be protected because of inequality of resource. Profit oriented market of
ideas will diminish the survivability of minority knowledge caused by monopoly, hegemony,
and dominance. Thus, the state should regulate the egalitarian policy in the reproduction of
knowledge. This is a subtle form of coloniality which is targeting the control of ideas should
be acknowledged to preserve the identity of Indonesian people.
Chapter 6: Reflecting on Orthodoxy and Heresy
6.1 Introduction
This chapter explains how politics of heresy undermine the distribution of Kejawen’s
knowledge. The construction of heresy helps to understand the connection between belief
system and social organization (Kurtz 1983, 1087). In Indonesia, Kejawen discourse is inter-
twined with the Islamic discourse, because many Muslims claim that Kejawen is an offshoot
of Islamic teaching. On the other hand, Kejawen followers also claim that Kejawen tenet re-
sembles Islamic tenet, for instance the principle of Tawhid (oneness of god) and principle of
Manunggaling kawulo gusti (unity of existence). However, the emergence of puritan type of
Islam, which is influenced from Wahabis, Salafi, and Muslim Brotherhood types of Islam.
These Islamic groups reject the existence of Kejawen esoteric teaching and insist purification
of Islamic practice in their organization as well as promulgate the dogma to the public. The
moderates Muslims like Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhamadiyah are supposedly more open to
the existence of Kejawen teaching, even though in practice they also partially dismiss the rad-
ical element of Kejawen. The extremist and moderates are fighting for dominance in the social,
yet Kejawen teaching’s existence is largely ignored by calling it heresy.
6.2 Caught in ideological fight
Since Joko Widodo got elected as the president in 2014, religious politics has been reignited
to serve the electoral ends. His consecutive victories have frightened the opposition and it
was so monumental that the political parties which are supporting Joko Widodo have im-
mense political prospect. The situation exacerbates when his former vice governor Basuki
Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) took his former office as governor of Jakarta. Some Jakartan Mus-
lims who are supporting Prabowo Subianto (the other presidential candidate) believe that
Ahok will not make policies in favour of Muslims, because of his background as Chinese
Indonesian and Christian. The situation culminates when Ahok charged with blasphemy act
after making a statement regarding Holy Quran.
That major political event is the beginning of massive polarization of Islam and Muslim
societies in Indonesia. This polarization undermines the existence of other religious idea
which relates to Islamic tradition like Kejawen and even Shia Islam. Even though, it is a polit-
ical contestation, the parties involved inevitably must construct an ideological basis to justify
the norm that they promote. The moderates which lead by Islamic organization called
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) which is also the supporter of Joko Widodo administration coined a
concept of Islam Nusantara. Historically, the concept was not founded merely because the
aftermath of 2014 political climate, it existed way long since NU was founded. Basically, Islam
Nusantara means a version of Islam that accultures with local values in establishing its juris-
prudence. It promotes a version of Islam that friendly and amiable, which also acknowledge
and respect other religion (Kasdi 2018, 301).
However, this pluralistic view of Islam does not merely accommodate all religious views
which are distinct from the views of the religious organization, in this case is NU. As the
biggest Islamic organization in Indonesia, NU has the most political significance and contri-
bution in shaping Indonesian politics. Thus, NU must retain its ideological and political
boundaries toward religious view that too radical like esoteric teaching of Kejawen. If NU tries
xxxiii
to embrace radical view of Kejawen like manunggaling kawulo gusti and the practice of shalat daim,
it is certain that the public will disagree, and NU will lose part of its legitimacy in public. It is
because the Kejawen tenets have been famous as heretical teaching and the public has been
long aware of it. Said Aqil Qiraj as head of NU says that NU will always right in the center
(moderate), NU cannot support the radical right which is the Wahhabis or the radical left
which is liberal Muslims as well as the follower of Kejawen, their institutional compass is sac-
rosanct.
On the other hand, the Wahhabis promotes the concept of Islam Kaffah which is trans-
lated as ‘the true Islam’. This concept only acknowledges the authority of Holy Quran and
Hadith to establish set of ritual and jurisprudence. It is different with the view of NU which
is adding ijma or the consensus of Islamic scholars and qiyas or the judgment of individual
Islamic scholar. The Wahhabis argues that NU has been performing ritual innovation or
bid’ah which is considered heresy. It excludes any religious practice which does not have legal
basis (dalil). Those practices which do not have the dalil are bid’ah. The bid’ah discourse is
being disseminated to the people in order to create a chasm between religion and culture.
Cultural practices that are already syncretize with Islamic ritual like veneration of saint’s
tomb, funeral ceremony (tahililan), and celebrating Prophet birthday (maulidan) are perceived
as bid’ah and polytheistic which creates sentiment towards the majority of Muslim population
who are still practicing those kind of ritual as well as Kejawen practitioner who shares similar
pattern of ritual.
In the realm of knowledge production, the discourse between Islam Kaffah and Islam
Nusantara breeds competing school and educational institution. NU is promoting Islam that
espouse local culture, to tackle the rising Neo-Wahhabis, Salafis, and Muslim Brotherhood
school of thought that also building their own Madrasah to promote “the true Islamic teach-
ing” without interference from local culture. The Wahhabis school of thought calls for
“deculturized religion” approach as Oliver Roy mentioned. The term “deculturized religion”
postulates to abandonment of local culture as well as nationalist culture in exchange of mod-
ified Islamic culture which has strong reference to gulf Arabic culture like Saudi Arabian
(Woodward et al 2012, 173).
There are three religious groups that allegedly considered practicing bid’ah in the eyes
of Wahhabis. They are NU, Islam abangan (a form of Islam that mixed with great deal of
Kejawen principle), and Kejawen group itself. However, Kejawen group does not explicitly
attacked by the Wahhabis in their public argument, instead they specifically attack Nahdlatul
Ulama because of their massive political and social power which is directly competing and
opposing the bid’ah discourse. Kejawen groups is in dilemmatic position because of the po-
litical competition between Nahdlatul Ulama and Wahhabis. The people who thinks that
bid’ah is sinful practice would reject and distant themselves to principle that they think affil-
iated with bid’ah, thus the people would feel reluctant to learn about Kejawen because it
against with popular view of Wahhabist. (Firro 2013, 775).
The discourse of bid’ah has more political overtone than social one, because many agen-
cies use narrative of bid’ah for political purpose. After 1989 reformation and the fall of
Soeharto’s authoritarian regime, huge number of new political parties were created. Islamic
political parties are also sprouting after more than three decades being suppressed by
Soeharto’s iron will. Justice and Prosperity Party/PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) makes it
way to Indonesian political arena by adopting the ideology of Muslim Brotherhood which
can be recognized by its fervent effort to promulgate the idea of Khilafah or Islamic state
ruled by single Caliph. Also, PKS opposes the idea of merging Islamic values with cultural
practices. Thus, it calls for “purification of Islam” and it gains popularity with that narrative.
However, because majority of Muslim in Indonesia come from different types of Islamic
ideological background. PKS cannot deliberately push the agenda of Khilafah and “purifica-
tion of Islam” in order to win election and secure seats in the House of Representative.
Nahdlatul Ulama as oldest traditional Islamic organization as well as Muhamadiyah as oldest
modern Islamic organization have distinguish ideology that would repel PKS agenda if it is
done coercively instead of persuasively (Woodward et al 2012, 174).
Kejawen discourse is placed within the greater Islamic discourse. Even though, Kejawen
also has Hindu-Buddhist roots, but because of total Islamization in Java since 18th century
and partition of Java and Bali, the discourse progresses under Islamic principle. Damar
Shashangka in his book titled Induk Ilmu Kejawen explicitly says that Kejawen is a term for
Javanese-Islamic spirituality. Other combination like Hinduism-Javanese spirituality or Bud-
dhism-Javanese spirituality fall under different category which is Jawadipa. In fact, not all
Kejawen practitioner agree about the proper use of term coined by Damar Shashangka
(Shashangka, 2014: 25). Most of Kejawen practitioners do not concern with the term rather
they emphasize on the principle and custom that makes Kejawen. On the other hand, ma-
jority of Indonesian recognizes and generalizes Kejawen as part of Islam because majority of
Kejawen follower borrows Islamic identity in their civil registration matter. The syncretiza-
tion process has gone too deep that makes Kejawen dependent to Islamic discourse. Thus,
the practice of political Islam tremendously affects Kejawen survival, even more the bid’ah
narrative has put Kejawen far more detach from current Islamic orthodoxy.
6.3 Conclusion
The construction of heresy and orthodoxy between NU and the Wahhabis are undermining
the dissemination of Kejawen teaching. Not only branding Kejawen teaching as heresy but also
the endless debate on the discourse between Islam Nusantara and Islam Kaffah greatly captivate
public attention. Lack of historical understanding in Indonesian religious dynamic and the
tendency of neoliberal economics which serves the capitalist agenda of political parties in
electoral contestation are the fundamental obstruction to recognize Kejawen teaching as In-
donesian religious tradition. Egalitarian approach on the distribution of religious knowledge
has to be realized in order to avoid dominance and monopoly.
xxxv
Chapter 7: Conclusions
Currently, Kejawen teachings seems to be facing the prospect of gradually being discarded
through domination of an Islamic theology and secular values that leaves little room for
syncretism of religious and cultural beliefs, in line with the ‘unity of existence’ principle as-
sociated with Kejawen. The public prefers to have one final answer to the questions of human
existence, whilst not realizing that other religions may well share parallel, largely similar con-
cepts, based on very similar notions. In this setting, a singular religious doctrine is not bal-
anced by any strong counterpart in cultural or political philosophy that could lead to a syn-
cretic solution such as is generally needed in plural environments. This may imply that
Indonesia may be becoming a less plural environment in practice.
Philosophical discussion about the roots of the existence of Indonesia should be en-
couraged in order to know what are the values that are functioning in the society. This
knowledge about the roots of various moral traditions in Indonesia, ideally have to be un-
derstood by all people, not just the elites who can afford better education. Thus, pre-collage
education has to be reformed to be more critical in its approach, especially in the moral and
religious subject. In addition, academic freedom should break the construction of heresy and
orthodoxy. The transparency of academic system is crucial for equal reproduction of
knowledge. Minority knowledge and rights should be prioritized, considering their fragility
in the economic competition.
The inequality of resource in disseminating and proliferating minority knowledge is the
fundamental problem. Stigmatization that caused from political and religious figures that
trying to polarize the people into two separated groups are damaging the minority narrative,
not to mention, it begets conflict and other social problems. The stigmatization continues
the inequality of resource because stigmatization equals to the moral construction of the
public. In this case, Kejawen teaching stigmatized as heretical teaching that reject or not in
accordance to Islamic orthodoxy in Indonesia. With the approach of critical thinking which
postulate the academic freedom, I think Kejawen teaching could retrieve its dignity back as
great spiritual tradition of Indonesia.
Lastly, the struggle to unite people through spiritual tradition is not new thing. However,
the force that divide us is seemingly more powerful because of the greed that has been en-
dorsed by the capitalistic mindset. Therefore, humanistic perspective is required to deal with
the great problem of our time. Human problem cannot be dealt only with economic incen-
tives, other aspect like psychological, spiritual, social, and other human needs and inclination
should be analyzed carefully and thoroughly to create precise and holistic solution to a prob-
lem.
1
Maps
Map 1.1
The Archipelago of Indonesia
Source: Google Images
Map 1.2
Map of Java Island
Source: Google Images
Map 1.3
Map of Yogyakarta
Source: Google Images
Map 1.4
Map of Jakarta
3
Source: Google Images
Map 1.5
Map of Cilacap
Source: Google Images
Appendices
Appendix A:
Interview questions for Romo Suryo
List of questions for the thesis interview entitled: Reflecting on Kejawen: Javanese esoteric
teachings in Indonesian national development.
This script is intended to obtain data on how Javanese spiritual teachings (Kejawen) are ap-
plied to national development and horizontal conflict resolution between religious commu-
nities. The questions below are "open questions" in which the interpretation of these ques-
tions does not have to be in accordance with academic methodology.
1. How do you view the teachings of Javanese or Javanese spirituality, given the different
definitions between anthropologists, sociologists and practitioners (Clifford, 1976)
(Shashangka, 2014)?
2. Given the many intolerances and conflicts between religious communities, can the teach-
ings of Kejawen be used as a solution to serve as a reference or model for interaction between
religious communities?
3. Given the explanation of the first principle of Pancasila by (late) Soekarno, where the
meaning of "divinity" is purely taken from the principles of indigenous teachings
(Schindehütte, Matti Justus 2006), is he referring to the teachings of Kejawen? If so, what
principles do you mean by him?
4. Can the syncretism and inclusiveness of Kejawen have a positive effect on national devel-
opment, in particular, in the realm of religious interactions?
5. According to you, should Kejawen teachings be institutionalized into formal education,
given the busyness of religious education from outside?
6. Can Takfiri understand or ignore other groups with different opinions, damaging the reli-
gious order in Indonesia?
7. What do you think about foreign concepts that are applied to the political, social and
economic order, especially those with a religious character? Do young people now need to
be reintroduced to the original Javanese / Kejawen teachings or philosophies?
Greetings,
Muhammad Adiz Wasisto
Appendix B:
Interview questions for Mbah Harjo
List of questions for the thesis interview entitled: Reflecting on Kejawen: Javanese esoteric
teachings in Indonesian national development.
This script is intended to obtain data on how Javanese spiritual teachings (Kejawen) are ap-
plied to national development and horizontal conflict resolution between religious commu-
nities. The questions below are "open questions" in which the interpretation of these ques-
tions does not have to be in accordance with academic methodology.
5
1. According to you, what is the exact definition of Kejawen or Javanese mysticism?
2. Is there pure Javanese mysticism? Or have you been influenced by other teachings (Hin-
duism, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam)?
3. According to you, is it necessary for the younger generation to learn Javanese mysticism?
If so, should Javanese mysticism education be formalized (included in the school curricu-
lum)?
4. According to you, why is it important for Javanese people to learn Kejawen?
5. What are your views about fundamentalist groups who disbelieve other sects, right?
Greetings,
Muhammad Adiz Wasisto
(Interviewer)
Appendix C:
Interview questions for Mr. Setyo Hajar Dewantoro
List of questions for the thesis interview entitled: Last Bastion of Kejawen in Java? Esoteric
Teaching in National Development, Indonesia. A Qualitative Study.
This questionnaire is intended to obtain data on how Javanese spiritual teachings (Kejawen)
are applied to national development and the resolution of horizontal conflicts between reli-
gious communities. The questions below are "open questions" in which the interpretation
of these questions does not have to be in accordance with academic methodology.
1. How do you view the teachings of Javanese or Javanese spirituality, given the different
definitions between anthropologists, sociologists and practitioners (Clifford, 1976)
(Shashangka, 2014)?
2. Given the many intolerances and conflicts between religious communities, can the teach-
ings of Kejawen be used as a solution to serve as a reference or model for interaction be-
tween religious communities?
3. Given the explanation of the first principle of Pancasila by (late) Soekarno, where the
meaning of "divinity" is purely taken from the principles of indigenous teachings
(Schindehütte, Matti Justus 2006), is he referring to the teachings of Kejawen? If so, what
principles do you think he meant?
4. Can the syncretism and inclusiveness of Kejawen have a positive effect on national de-
velopment, in particular, in the realm of religious interactions?
5. According to you, should Kejawen teachings be institutionalized into formal education,
given the busyness of religious education from outside?
6. Can Takfiri understand or ignore other groups with different opinions, damaging the re-
ligious order in Indonesia?
7. What is your opinion regarding the foreign concepts applied to the political, social and
economic order, especially those of a religious character? Do young people now need to be
reintroduced to the original Javanese / Kejawen teachings or philosophies?
Greetings,
Muhammad Adiz Wasisto
Appendix D:
Interview questions for Mr. Widhy Artono Andy Pratikto
List of questions for the thesis interview entitled: Reflecting on Kejawen: Javanese esoteric
teachings in Indonesian national development.
This script is intended to obtain data on how Javanese spiritual teachings (Kejawen) are ap-
plied to national development and horizontal conflict resolution between religious commu-
nities. The questions below are "open questions" in which the interpretation of these ques-
tions does not have to be in accordance with academic methodology.
1. How do you view the teachings of Javanese or Javanese spirituality, given the different
definitions between anthropologists, sociologists and practitioners (Clifford, 1976)
(Shashangka, 2014)?
2. Given the many intolerances and conflicts between religious communities, can the teach-
ings of Kejawen be used as a solution to serve as a reference or model for interaction be-
tween religious communities?
3. Given the explanation of the first principle of Pancasila by (late) Soekarno, where the
meaning of "divinity" is purely taken from the principles of indigenous teachings
(Schindehütte, Matti Justus 2006), is he referring to the teachings of Kejawen? If so, what
principles do you mean by him?
4. Can the syncretism and inclusiveness of Kejawen have a positive effect on national devel-
opment, in particular, in the realm of religious interactions?
5. According to you, should Kejawen teachings be institutionalized into formal education,
given the busyness of religious education from outside?
6. Can Takfiri understand or ignore other groups with different opinions, damaging the re-
ligious order in Indonesia?
7. What do you think about foreign concepts that are applied to the political, social and
economic order, especially those with a religious character? Do young people now need to
be reintroduced to the original Javanese / Kejawen teachings or philosophies?
Greetings,
Muhammad Adiz Wasisto
Appendix E:
Interview questions for moral education in Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan (PKN)
List of questions for the thesis interview entitled: Reflecting on Kejawen: Javanese esoteric
teachings in Indonesian national development.
7
This questionnaire is intended to obtain data on how the relationship between Javanese spir-
itual teachings (Kejawen) and local wisdom in a broad sense with the development of na-
tional education in the framework of civic education. The questions below are "open ques-
tions" in which the interpretation of these questions is subjective and based on experience.
1. According to all of you, is the PPKn an important subject? Considering its epistemology
and also its use in a career?
2. Is PPKn one of your favorite subjects? If not, what makes PPKn less attractive in your
view?
3. In your view, which subject is more suitable as a guide in studying norms and ethics. Is it
PPKn or religious lessons? Or are both equally important?
4. According to your experience following PPKn lessons in Senior High Schools, are PPKn
lessons critical and actual in discussing human rights issues? If it is less critical and actual, do
you have other expectations for how the KDP lessons will be presented in class?
5. Was local culture and wisdom involved when the brothers attended the PPKn lessons?
Considering that the PPKn lesson focuses on a constitutional perspective (law of rights).
6. Do you think it is necessary to involve cultural education in discussing PPKn?
7. Do you feel that the KDP lessons are sufficiently substantial and comprehensive?
The questions above are only asked as an interview reference. Interviewer from time to time
can add questions according to the response of the resource person.
Best regards,
Muhammad Adiz Wasisto
Appendix F:
Interview video with Mbah Harjo
Eanisme TV (2020) "Mahasiswa S2 Belanda Bertanya Serius Pada Mbah Harjo" Accessed 11
November 2020 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5vuXTebmOxM&ab_channel=eanismeTV
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